
                             The Mayflower Compact

          In ye name of God Amen.  We whose names are underwriten,
the
      loyall subjects of our dread Soveraigne Lord King James by ye
      grace of God, of Great Britaine, Franc, & Ireland king,
defender
      of ye faith, &c.

          Haveing undertaken, for ye glorie of God, and
advancemente of
      ye Christian faith and honour of our king & countrie, a
voyage to
      plant ye first colonie in ye Northerne parts of Virginia, doe
by
      these presents solemnly & mutualy in ye presence of God, and
one
      of another, covenant, & combine ourselves togeather into a
civill
      body politick; for our better ordering, & preservation &
      furtherance of ye ends aforesaid; and by vertue herof to
enacte,
      constitute, and frame shuch just & equall lawes, ordinances,
Acts,
      constitutions, & offices, from time to time, as shall be
thought
      most meete & convenient for ye generall good of ye Colonie:
unto
      which we promise all due submission and obedience.

          In witnes wherof we have hereunder subscribed our names
at
      Cap-Codd ye 11 of November, in ye year of ye raigne of our
      Soveraigne Lord King James of England, France, & Ireland ye
      eighteenth and of Scotland ye fiftie fourth.  Anno Domini,
1620.

      John Carver                      John Turner
      William Bradford                 Francis Eaton
      Edward Winslow                   James Chilton
      William Brewster                 John Crakston
      Isaac Allerton                   John Bilington
      Myles Standish                   Moses Fletcher
      John Alden                       John Goodman
      Samuel Fuller                    Degory Priest
      Christopher Martin               Thomas Williams
      William Mullins                  Gilbert Winslow
      William White                    Edmund Margeson
      Richard Warren                   Peter Brown
      John Howland                     Richard Britterige
      Stephen Hopkins                  George Soule
      Edward Tilley                    Richard Clarke
      John Tilley                      Richard Gardiner
      Francis Cooke                    John Allerton
      Thomas Rogers                    Thomas English
      Thomas Tinker                    Edward Doty
      John Rigdale                     Edward Leister
      Edward Fuller


                        The Declaration of Independence
                          IN CONGRESS, July 4, 1776.

                                 A DECLARATION
                         By the REPRESENTATIVES of the
                           UNITED STATES OF AMERICA,
                         In GENERAL CONGRESS assembled

          When in the Course of human Events, it becomes necessary
for
      one People to dissolve the Political Bands which have
connected
      them with another, and to assume among the Powers of the
Earth, the
      separate and equal Station to which the Laws of Nature and of
      Nature's God entitle them, a decent Respect to the Opinions
of
      Mankind requires that they should declare the causes which
impel
      them to the Separation.

          We hold these Truths to be self-evident, that all Men are
      created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with
certain
      unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and
the
      pursuit of Happiness.  That to secure these Rights,
Governments are
      instituted among Men, deriving their just Powers from the
Consent
      of the Governed.  That whenever any Form of Government
becomes
      destructive of these Ends, it is the Right of the People to
alter
      or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its
      foundation on such Principles and organizing its Powers in
such
      Form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their
Safety and
      Happiness.

          Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments long
      established should not be changed for light and transient
Causes;
      and accordingly all experience hath shewn, that Mankind are
more
      disposed to suffer, while Evils are sufferable, than to right
      themselves by abolishing the Forms to which they are
accustomed.

          But when a long Train of Abuses and Usurpations, pursuing
      invariably the same Object evinces a design to reduce them
under
      absolute Despotism, it is their Right, it is their Duty, to
throw
      off such Government, and to provide new Guards for their
future
      Security.  Such has been the patient Sufferance of these
Colonies;
      and such is now the Necessity which constrains them to alter
their
      former Systems of Government.  The history of the present
King of
      Great Britain is a History of repeated Injuries and
Usurpations,
      all having in direct Object the establishment of an absolute
      Tyranny over these States.  To prove this, let Facts be
submitted
      to a candid world.

          He has refused his Assent to Laws, the most wholesome and
      necessary for the public Good.

          He has forbidden his Governors to pass Laws of immediate
and
      pressing Importance, unless suspended in their Operation till
his
      Assent should be obtained; and when so suspended, he has
utterly
      neglected to attend to them.

          He has refused to pass other Laws for the Accommodation
of
      large Districts of People, unless those People would
relinquish the
      Right of Representation in the Legislature, a Right
inestimable to
      them and formidable to Tyrants only.

          He has called together Legislative Bodies at Places
unusual,
      uncomfortable, and distant from the Depository of their
Public
      Records, for the sole Purpose of fatiguing them into
Compliance
      with his Measures.

          He has dissolved Representative Houses repeatedly, for
opposing
      with manly Firmness his Invasions on the Rights of the
People.

          He has refused for a long Time, after such Dissolutions,
to
      cause others to be elected; whereby the Legislative Powers,
      incapable of Annihilation, have returned to the People at
large for
      their exercise; the State remaining in the mean time exposed
to all
      the Dangers of Invasion from without, and Convulsions within.

          He has endeavoured to prevent the Population of these
States;
      for that Purpose obstructing the Laws of Naturalization of
      Foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their
Migrations
      hither, and raising the Conditions of new Appropriations of
Lands.

          He has obstructed the Administration of Justice, by
refusing
      his Assent to Laws for establishing Judiciary Powers.

          He has made Judges dependent on his Will alone, for the
Tenure
      of their Offices, and the Amount and payment of their
Salaries.

          He has erected a Multitude of New Offices, and sent
hither
      Swarms of Officers to harass our People, and eat out their
      Substance.

          He has kept among us, in Times of Peace, standing Armies
      without the Consent of our Legislatures.

          He has affected to render the Military independent of and
      superior to the Civil Power.

          He has combined with others to subject us to a
Jurisdiction
      foreign to our Constitution, and unacknowledged by our Laws;
giving
      his Assent to their Acts of pretended Legislation:

          For quartering large Bodies of Armed Troops among us;

          For protecting them, by a mock Trial, from Punishment for
any
      Murders which they should commit on the Inhabitants of these
      States;

          For cutting off our Trade with all Parts of the World;

          For imposing Taxes on us without our Consent;

          For depriving us in many Cases, of the Benefits of Trial
by
      Jury;

          For transporting us beyond Seas to be tried for pretended
      Offences;

          For abolishing the free System of English Laws in a
      neighbouring Province, establishing therein an Arbitrary
      Government, and enlarging its Boundaries so as to render it
at once
      an Example and fit Instrument for introducing the same
absolute
      Rule into these Colonies;

          For taking away our Charters, abolishing our most
valuable
      Laws, and altering fundamentally the Forms of our
Governments;

          For suspending our own Legislatures, and declaring
themselves
      invested with Power to legislate for us in all Cases
whatsoever.

          He has abdicated Government here, by declaring us out of
his
      Protection and waging War against us.

          He has plundered our Seas, ravaged our Coasts, burnt our
towns,
      and destroyed the Lives of our People.

          He is at this time Transporting large Armies of foreign
      Mercenaries to compleat the works of Death, Desolation and
Tyranny,
      already begun with circumstances of Cruelty and Perfidy
scarcely
      paralleled in the most barbarous Ages, and totally unworthy
the
      Head of a civilized Nation.

          He has constrained our fellow Citizens taken Captive on
the
      high Seas to bear Arms against their Country, to become the
      Executioners of their Friends and Brethren, or to fall
themselves
      by their Hands.

          He has excited domestic Insurrections amongst us, and has
      endeavoured to bring on the Inhabitants of our Frontiers, the
      merciless Indian Savages, whose known rule of warfare, is an
      undistinguished Destruction of all Ages, Sexes, and
Conditions.

          In every stage of these Oppressions We have Petitioned
for
      Redress in the most humble Terms:  Our repeated Petitions
have been
      answered only by repeated Injury.  A Prince, whose Character
is
      thus marked by every act which may define a Tyrant, is unfit
to be
      the Ruler of a free People.

          Nor have We been wanting in Attentions to our British
Brethren.
      We have warned them from Time to Time of Attempts by their
      Legislature to extend an unwarrantable Jurisdiction over us. 
We
      have reminded them of the Circumstances of our Emigration and
      Settlement here.  We have appealed to their native Justice
and
      Magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the Ties of our
common
      Kindred to disavow these Usurpations, which, would inevitably
      interrupt our Connections and Correspondence.  They too have
been
      deaf to the Voice of Justice and of Consanguinity.  We must,
      therefore, acquiesce in the Necessity, which denounces our
      Separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of Mankind,
Enemies
      in War, in Peace Friends.

          We, therefore, the Representatives of the United States
of
      America, in General Congress, Assembled, appealing to the
Supreme
      Judge of the World for the Rectitude of our Intentions, do,
in the
      Name, and by Authority of the good People of these Colonies,
      solemnly Publish and Declare, That these United Colonies are,
and
      of Right ought to be Free and Independent States; that they
are
      Absolved from all Allegiance to the British Crown, and that
all
      political Connection between them and the State of
Great-Britain,
      is and ought to be totally dissolved; and that as Free and
      Independent States, they have full Power to levy War,
conclude
      Peace, contract Alliances, establish Commerce, and to do all
other
      Acts and Things which Independent States may of right do. 
And for
      the support of this Declaration, with a firm Reliance on the
      Protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each
other
      our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honor.

                                                 JOHN HANCOCK,
President
      Attest.
      Charles Thompson, Secretary.

      New Hampshire                     New York
         Josiah Bartlett                   Wn. Floyd
         Wm. Whipple                       Phil. Livingston
         Matthew Thornton                  Frans. Lewis
      Massachusetts Bay                    Lewis Morris
         Saml. Adams                    Pennsylvania
         John Adams                        Robt. Morris
         Robt. Treat Paine                 Benjamin Rush
         Elbridge Gerry                    Benja. Franklin
      Rhode Island                         John Morton
         Step. Hopkins                     Geo. Clymer
         William Ellery                    Jas. Smith
      Connecticut                          Geo. Taylor
         Roger Sherman                     James Wilson
         Sam'el Huntington                 Geo. Ross
         Wm. Williams                   Delaware
         Oliver Wolcott                    Caesar Rodney
      Georgia                              Geo. Read
         Button Gwinnett                   Tho. M'Kean
         Lyman Hall                     North Carolina
         Geo. Walton                       Wm. Hooper
      Maryland                             Joseph Hewes
         Samuel Chase                      John Penn
         Wm. Paca                       South Carolina
         Thos. Stone                       Edward Rutledge
         Charles Carroll of                Thos. Heyward, Junr.
           Carrollton                      Thomas Lynch, Junr.
      Virginia                             Arthur Middleton
         George Wythe                   New Jersey
         Richard Henry Lee                 Richd. Stockton
         Th. Jefferson                     Jno. Witherspoon
         Benja. Harrison                   Fras. Hopkinson
         Ths. Nelson, Jr.                  John Hart
         Francis Lightfoot Lee             Abra. Clark
         Carter Braxton


                         The Emancipation Proclamation

               BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
                                A PROCLAMATION

          Whereas on the 22nd day of September, in the year of our
Lord
      one thousand eight hundred and sixty two, a proclamation was
      issued by the President of the United States, containing,
among
      other things, the following, to wit:

              "That on the 1st day of January, in the year of our
Lord
          one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons
held
          as slaves within any State or designated part of a State,
the
          people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the
United
          States, shall be then, thenceforward, and forever free;
and
          the Executive Government of the United States, including
the
          military and naval authority thereof, will recognize and
          maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act
or
          acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any
efforts
          they may make for their actual freedom.

              "That the Executive will, on the first day of January
          aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the States and
parts of
          States, if any, in which the people thereof, respectively
          shall then be in rebellion against the United States; and
the
          fact that any state or the people thereof shall on that
day be
          in good faith represented in the Congress of the United
States
          by members chosen thereto at elections wherein a majority
of
          the qualified voters of such States shall have
participated,
          shall in the absence of strong countervailing testimony,
be
          deemed conclusive evidence that such State, and the
people
          thereof, are not then in rebellion against the United
States."

          Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the
United
      States, by virtue of the power in me vested as
Commander-in-Chief
      of the Army and Navy of the United States in time of actual
armed
      rebellion against the authority and government of the United
      States, as a fit and necessary war measure for suppressing
said
      rebellion, do, on this 1st day of January, in the year of our
Lord
      one thousand eight hundred sixty three, and in accordance
with my
      purpose so to do publicly proclaimed for the full period of
one
      hundred days from the first day above mentioned, order and
      designate as the States and parts of States wherein the
people
      thereof, respectively, are this day in rebellion against the
      United States the following, to wit:

          Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana (except the parishes of St.
      Bernard, Plaquemines, Jefferson, St. John, St. Charles, St.
James,
      Ascension, Assumption, Terrebonne, Lafourche, St. Mary, St.
      Martin, and Orleans, including the city of New Orleans),
      Mississippi, Alabama, Florida, Georgia, South Carolina, North
      Carolina, and Virginia (except the forty-eight counties
designated
      as West Virginia, and also the counties of Berkeley, Accomac,
      Northampton, Elizabeth-City, York, Princess Anne, and
Norfolk,
      including the cities of Norfolk and Portsmouth), and which
      excepted parts are, for the present, left precisely as if
this
      proclamation were not issued.

          And by virtue of the power, and for the purpose
aforesaid, I
      do order and declare that all persons held as slaves within
said
      designated States, and parts of States, are, and henceforward
      shall be free; and that the Executive Government of the
United
      States, including the military and naval authorities thereof,
will
      recognize and maintain the freedom of said persons.

          And I hereby enjoin upon the people so declared to be
free to
      abstain from all violence, unless in necessary self-defense;
and I
      recommend to them that, in all cases when allowed, they labor
      faithfully for reasonable wages.

          And I further declare and make known that such persons of
      suitable condition will be received into the armed service of
the
      United States to garrison forts, positions, stations, and
other
      places, and to man vessels of all sorts in said service.

          And upon this act, sincerely believed to be an act of
justice,
      warranted by the Constitution upon military necessity, I
invoke
      the considerate judgment of mankind and the gracious favor of
      Almighty God.

          In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and
caused the
      seal of the United States to be affixed.

          Done at the City of Washington, the first day of January,
in
      the year of our Lord one thousand eight hunrded and sixty
three,
      and of the Independence of the United States of America the
      eighty-seventh.
                                                      ABRAHAM
LINCOLN.
      William H. Seward, Secretary of State.


              Patrick Henry - Give Me Liberty, or Give Me Death!

             Delivered before the Virginia Convention of Delegates
            St. John's Church, Richmond, Virginia - March 23, 1775

      Mr. President:

          No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as
well
      as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who have just
addressed
      the House.  But different men often see the same subject in
      different lights; and, therefore, I hope that it will not be
      thought disrespectful to those gentlemen, if, entertaining as
I
      do, opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall
speak
      forth my sentiments freely and without reserve.  This is no
time
      for ceremony.  The question before the House is one of awful
      moment to this country.  For my own part I consider it as
nothing
      less than a question of freedom or slavery; and, in
proportion to
      the magnitude of the subject, ought to be the freedom of the
      debate.  It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at
      truth, and fulfil the great responsibility which we hold to
God
      and our country.  Should I keep back my opinions at such a
time,
      through fear of giving offense, I should consider myself as
guilty
      of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty
towards
      the Majesty of Heaven, which I revere above all earthly
kings.

          Mr. President, it is natural to men to indulge in the
      illusions of hope.  We are apt to shut our eyes against a
painful
      truth  and listen to the song of that siren, till she
transforms
      us into beasts.  Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a
great
      and arduous struggle for liberty?  Are we disposed to be of
the
      number of those who, having eyes, see not, and having ears,
hear
      not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal
salvation?
      For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am
willing
      to know the whole truth; to know the worst and to provide for
it.

          I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that
is
      the lamp of experience.  I know of no way of judging of the
future
      but by the past.  And judging by the past, I wish to know
what
      there has been in the conduct of the British Ministry for the
last
      ten years to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have
been
      pleased to solace themselves and the House?  Is it that
insidious
      smile with which our petition has been lately received? 
Trust it
      not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet.  Suffer not
      yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss.  Ask yourself how this
      gracious reception of our petition comports with those
war-like
      preparations which cover our waters and darken our land.  Are
      fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and
reconciliation?
      Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that
force
      must be called in to win back our love?  Let us not deceive
      ourselves, sir.  These are the implements of war and
subjugation
       the last arguments to which kings resort.  I ask
gentlemen,
      sir, what means this martial array if its purpose be not to
force
      us to submission?  Can gentlemen assign any other possible
motive
      for it?  Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the
      world, to call for this accumulation of navies and armies? 
No,
      sir, she has none.  They are meant for us; they can be meant
for
      no other.  They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those
      chains which the British Ministry have been so long forging.

          And what have we to oppose to them?  Shall we try
argument?
      Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years.  Have
we
      anything new to offer upon the subject?  Nothing.  We have
held
      the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it
has
      been all in vain.  Shall we resort to entreaty and humble
      supplication?  What terms shall we find which have not been
      already exhausted?  Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive
      ourselves longer.  Sir, we have done everything that could be
done
      to avert the storm which is now coming on.  We have
petitioned 
      we have remonstrated  we have supplicated  we have
prostrated
      ourselves before the throne, and have implored its
interposition
      to arrest the tyrannical hands of the Ministry and
Parliament.
      Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have
produced
      additional violence and insult; our supplications have been
      disregarded; and we have been spurned with contempt from the
foot
      of the throne.  In vain, after these things, may we indulge
the
      fond hope of peace and reconciliation.

          There is no longer any room for hope.  If we wish to be
free
       if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable
privileges
      for which we have been so long contending  if we mean not
basely
      to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long
      engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon
      until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained 
we
      must fight!   I repeat it, sir, we must fight; an appeal to
arms
      and to the God of Hosts is all that is left us!

          They tell us, sir, that we are weak  unable to cope
with so
      formidable an adversary.  But when shall we be stronger? 
Will it
      be the next week or the next year?  Will it be when we are
totally
      disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in
every
      house?  Shall we gather strength by irresolution and
inaction?
      Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying
      supinely on our backs and hugging the delusive phantom of
hope,
      until our enemy shall have bound us hand and foot?  Sir, we
are
      not weak, if we make a proper use of those forces which the
God of
      nature hath placed in our power.  Three millions of people
armed
      in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that
which
      we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can
send
      against us.

          Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. 
There is a
      just God who presides over the destinies of nations, and who
will
      raise up friends to fight our battles for us.  The battle,
sir, is
      not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active,
the
      brave.  Besides, sir, we have no election.  If we were base
enough
      to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. 
There
      is no retreat but in submission and slavery!  Our chains are
      forged!  Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! 
The
      war is inevitable  and let it come!  I repeat it, sir, let
it
      come!

          It is vain, sir, to extenuate the matter.  Gentlemen may
cry,
      peace, peace  but there is no peace.  The war is actually
begun!
      The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our
ears
      the clash of resounding arms!  Our brethren are already in
the
      field!  Why stand we here idle?  What is it that gentlemen
wish?
      What would they have?  Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as
to
      be purchased at the price of chains and slavery?  Forbid it,
      Almighty God!  I know not what course others may take; but as
for
      me, give me liberty, or give me death!


                     George Washington - Inaugural Address

                           Delivered before Congress
                      New York, New York - April 30, 1789

      Fellow citizens of the Senate, and of the House of
Representatives:
      Among the vicissitudes incident to life, no event could have
filled
      me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification
was
      transmitted by your order, and received on the fourteenth day
of
      the present month.  On the one hand, I was summoned by my
country,
      whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love,
from a
      retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predilection,
and, in
      my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the
asylum of
      my declining years  a retreat which was rendered every day
more
      necessary as well as more dear to me by the addition of habit
to
      inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health to
the
      gradual waste committed on it by time.

          On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the
trust to
      which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to
awaken
      in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a
distrustful
      scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm
with
      despondence one who, inheriting inferior endowments from
nature and
      unpractised in the duties of civil administration, ought to
be
      peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies.

          In this conflict of emotions all I dare aver is that it
has
      been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just
appreciation
      of every circumstance by which it might be affected.  All I
dare
      hope is that if, in executing this task, I have been too much
      swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by
an
      affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the
      confidence of my fellow citizens, and have thence too little
      consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the
weighty
      and untried cares before me, my error will be palliated by
the
      motives which misled me, and its consequences be judged by my
      country with some share of the partiality in which they
originated.

          Such being the impressions under which I have, in
obedience to
      the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would
be
      peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my
fervent
      supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the
universe,
      who presides in the councils of nations, and whose
providential
      aids can supply every human defect, that His benediction may
      consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of
the
      United States a government instituted by themselves for these
      essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed
in its
      administration, to execute with success the functions
allotted to
      his charge.  In tendering this homage to the Great Author of
every
      public and private good, I assure myself that it expresses
your
      sentiments not less than my own, nor those of my fellow
citizens at
      large less than either.

          No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the
Invisible
      Hand which conducts the affairs of men, more than the people
of the
      United States.  Every step by which they have advanced to the
      character of an independent nation seems to have been
distinguished
      by some token of providential agency; and in the important
      revolution just accomplished in the system of their united
      government the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent
of so
      many distinct communities from which the event has resulted
cannot
      be compared with the means by which most governments have
been
      established without some return of pious gratitude, along
with a
      humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past
seem to
      presage.  These reflections, arising out of the present
crisis,
      have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be
suppressed.
      You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are
none
      under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and
free
      government can more auspiciously commence.

          By the article establishing the Executive Department, it
is
      made the duty of the President, "to recommend to your
consideration
      such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient." 
The
      circumstances under which I now meet you will acquit me from
      entering into that subject, farther than to refer to the
great
      constitutional charter under which you are assembled, and
which, in
      defining your powers, designates the objects to which your
      attention is to be given.  It will be more consistent with
those
      circumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which
      actuate me, to substitute, in place of a recommendation of
      particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents,
the
      rectitude, and the patriotism which adorn the characters
selected
      to devise and adopt them.  In these honorable qualifications
I
      behold the surest pledges that as on one side no local
prejudices
      or attachments, no separate views, nor party animosities,
will
      misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to
watch over
      this great assemblage of communities and interests, so, on
another,
      that the foundation of our national policy will be laid in
the pure
      and immutable principles of private morality, and the
preeminence
      of free government be exemplified by all the attributes which
can
      win the affections of its citizens and command the respect of
the
      world.

          I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an
      ardent love for my country can inspire, since there is no
truth
      more thoroughly established than that there exists in the
economy
      and course of nature an indissoluble union between virtue and
      happiness; between duty and advantage; between the genuine
maxims
      of an honest and magnanimous policy and the solid rewards of
public
      prosperity and felicity; since we ought to be no less
persuaded
      that the propitious smiles of Heaven can never be expected on
a
      nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right,
which
      Heaven itself has ordained; and since the preservation of the
      sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republican
model of
      government are justly considered perhaps, as deeply, as
finally,
      staked on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the
American
      people.

          Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care, it
will
      remain with your judgment to decide how far an exercise of
the
      occasional power delegated by the fifth Article of the
Constitution
      is rendered expedient at the present juncture by the nature
of
      objections which have been urged against the system, or by
the
      degree of inquietude which has given birth to them.

          Instead of undertaking particular recommendations on this
      subject, in which I could be guided by no lights derived from
      official opportunities, I shall again give way to my entire
      confidence in your discernment and pursuit of the public
good; for
      I assure myself that, whilst you carefully avoid every
alteration
      which might endanger the benefits of a united and effective
      government, or which ought to await the future lessons of
      experience, a reverence for the characteristic rights of
freemen
      and a regard for the public harmony will sufficiently
influence
      your deliberations on the question how far the former can be
more
      impregnably fortified or the latter be safely and
advantageously
      promoted.

          To the preceding observations I have one to add, which
will be
      most properly addressed to the House of Representatives.  It
      concerns myself, and will therefore be as brief as possible. 
When
      I was first honored with a call into the service of my
country,
      then on the eve of an arduous struggle for its liberties, the
light
      in which I contemplated my duty required that I should
renounce
      every pecuniary compensation.  From this resolution I have in
no
      instance departed; and being still under the impressions
which
      produced it, I must decline, as inapplicable to myself, any
share
      in the personal emoluments which may be indispensably
included in a
      permanent provision for the Executive Department, and must
      accordingly pray that the pecuniary estimates for the station
in
      which I am placed may, during my continuance in it, be
limited to
      such actual expenditures as the public good may be thought to
      require.

          Having thus imparted to you my sentiments as they have
been
      awakened by the occasion which brings us together, I shall
take my
      present leave; but not without resorting once more to the
benign
      Parent of the human race in humble supplication that, since
He has
      been pleased to favor the American people with opportunities
for
      deliberating in perfect tranquillity, and dispositions for
deciding
      with unparalleled unanimity on a form of government for the
      security of their Union and the advancement of their
happiness, so
      His divine blessing may be equally conspicuous in the
enlarged
      views, the temperate consultations, and the wise measures on
which
      the success of this government must depend.


                  Thomas Jefferson - First Inaugural Address

                        Delivered in the Senate Chamber
                       Washington, D.C. - March 4, 1801

      Friends and Fellow Citizens:  Called upon to undertake the
duties
      of the first executive office of our country, I avail myself
of
      the presence of that portion of my fellow citizens which is
here
      assembled to express my grateful thanks for the favor with
which
      they have been pleased to look toward me, to declare a
sincere
      consciousness that the task is above my talents, and that I
      approach it with those anxious and awful presentiments which
the
      greatness of the charge and the weakness of my powers so
justly
      inspire.  A rising nation, spread over a wide and fruitful
land,
      traversing all the seas with the rich productions of their
      industry, engaged in commerce with nations who feel power and
      forget right, advancing rapidly to destinies beyond the reach
of
      mortal eye  when I contemplate these transcendent objects,
and
      see the honor, the happiness, and the hopes of this beloved
      country committed to the issue and the auspices of this day,
I
      shrink from the contemplation, and humble myself before the
      magnitude of the undertaking.

          Utterly, indeed, should I despair did not the presence of
many
      whom I see here remind me, that, in the other high
authorities
      provided by our Constitution I shall find resources of
wisdom, of
      virtue, and of zeal, on which to rely under all difficulties. 
To
      you, then, gentlemen, who are charged with the sovereign
functions
      of legislation, and to those associated with you, I look with
      encouragement for that guidance and support which may enable
us to
      steer with safety the vessel in which we are all embarked,
amidst
      the conflicting elements of a troubled world.

          During the contest of opinion through which we have
passed,
      the animation of discussions and of exertions has sometimes
worn
      an aspect which might impose on strangers unused to think
freely,
      and to speak and to write what they think; but this being now
      decided by the voice of the nation, announced according to
the
      rules of the Constitution, all will, of course, arrange
themselves
      under the will of the law, and unite in common efforts for
the
      common good.  All, too, will bear in mind this sacred
principle,
      that though the will of the majority is in all cases to
prevail,
      that will to be rightful must be reasonable; that the
minority
      possess their equal rights, which equal laws must protect,
and to
      violate would be oppression.

          Let us then, fellow citizens, unite with one heart and
one
      mind.  Let us restore to social intercourse that harmony and
      affection without which liberty and even life itself are but
      dreary things.  And let us reflect that, having banished from
our
      land that religious intolerance under which mankind so long
bled
      and suffered, we have yet gained little if we countenance a
      political intolerance, as despotic, as wicked, and capable of
as
      bitter and bloody persecutions.  During the throes and
convulsions
      of the ancient world, during the agonizing spasms of
infuriated
      man, seeking through blood and slaughter his long-lost
liberty, it
      was not wonderful that the agitation of the billows should
reach
      even this distant and peaceful shore; that this should be
more
      felt and feared by some and less by others and should divide
      opinions as to measures of safety.  But every difference of
      opinion is not a difference of principle.

          We have called by different names brethren of the same
      principle.  We are all Republicans, we are all Federalists. 
If
      there be any among us who wish to dissolve this Union, or to
      change its republican form, let them stand undisturbed as
      monuments of the safety with which error of opinion may be
      tolerated, where reason is left free to combat it.  I know,
indeed,
      that some honest men fear that a republican government cannot
be
      strong; that this government is not strong enough.  But would
the
      honest patriot, in the full tide of successful experiment,
abandon
      a government which has so far kept us free and firm, on the
      theoretic and visionary fear, that this government, the
world's
      best hope, may by possibility, want energy to preserve
itself?  I
      trust not.  I believe this, on the contrary, the strongest
      government on earth.  I believe it the only one where every
man,
      at the call of the law, would fly to the standard of the law,
and
      would meet invasions of the public order as his own personal
      concern.  Sometimes it is said that man cannot be trusted
with the
      government of himself.  Can he, then, be trusted with the
      government of others?  Or have we found angels in the forms
of
      kings to govern him?  Let history answer this question.

          Let us, then, with courage and confidence, pursue our own
      Federal and Republican principles, our attachment to union
and
      representative government.  Kindly separated by nature and a
wide
      ocean from the exterminating havoc of one-quarter of the
globe;
      too high-minded to endure the degradation of the others;
      possessing a chosen country, with room enough for our
descendants
      to the thousandth and thousandth generation; entertaining a
due
      sense of our equal right to the use of our own faculties, to
the
      acquisition of our own industry, to honor and confidence from
our
      fellow citizens, resulting not from birth, but from our
actions
      and their sense of them; enlightened by a benign religion,
      professed indeed and practised in various forms, yet all of
them
      inculcating honesty, truth, temperance, gratitude, and the
love of
      man; acknowledging and adoring an overruling Providence,
which, by
      all its dispensations proves that it delights in the
happiness of
      man here, and his greater happiness hereafter; with all these
      blessings, what more is necessary to make us a happy and
      prosperous people?

          Still one thing more, fellow citizens, a wise and frugal
      government, which shall restrain men from injuring one
another,
      shall leave them otherwise free to regulate their own
pursuits of
      industry and improvement, and shall not take from the mouth
of
      labor the bread it has earned.  This is the sum of good
      government; and this is necessary to close the circle of our
      felicities.

          About to enter, fellow citizens, upon the exercise of
duties
      which comprehend everything dear and valuable to you, it is
proper
      you should understand what I deem the essential principles of
our
      government and, consequently, those which ought to shape its
      administration.  I will compress them within the narrowest
compass
      they will bear, stating the general principle, but not all
its
      limitations.

          Equal and exact justice to all men, of whatever state or
      persuasion, religious or political; peace, commerce, and
honest
      friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none;
the
      support of the State governments in all their rights, as the
most
      competent administrations for our domestic concerns and the
surest
      bulwarks against anti-republican tendencies; the preservation
of
      the general government in its whole constitutional vigor, as
the
      sheet anchor of our peace at home and safety abroad; a
jealous
      care of the right of election by the people  a mild and
safe
      corrective of abuses which are lopped by the sword of
revolution
      where peaceable remedies are unprovided; absolute
acquiescence in
      the decisions of the majority, the vital principle of
republics,
      from which is no appeal but to force, the vital principle and
      immediate parent of despotism; a well-disciplined militia,
our
      best reliance in peace and for the first moments of war, till
      regulars may relieve them; the supremacy of the civil over
the
      military authority; economy in the public expense that labor
may
      be lightly burdened; the honest payment of our debts and
sacred
      preservation of the public faith; encouragement of
agriculture and
      of commerce as its handmaid; the diffusion of information and
      arraignment of all abuses at the bar of the public reason;
freedom
      of religion, freedom of the press, and freedom of person,
under
      the protection of the habeas corpus, and trial by juries
      impartially selected.

          These principles form the bright constellation which has
gone
      before us and guided our steps through an age of revolution
and
      reformation.  The wisdom of our sages and blood of our heroes
have
      been devoted to their attainment.  They should be the creed
of our
      political faith, the text of civic instruction, the
touchstone by
      which to try the services of those we trust; and should we
wander
      from them in moments of error or of alarm, let us hasten to
      retrace our steps and to regain the road which alone leads to
      peace, liberty, and safety.

          I repair, then, fellow citizens, to the post you have
assigned
      me.  With experience enough in subordinate offices to have
seen
      the difficulties of this, the greatest of all, I have learned
to
      expect that it will rarely fall to the lot of imperfect man
to
      retire from this station with the reputation and the favor
which
      bring him into it.  Without pretensions to that high
confidence
      you reposed in our first and greatest revolutionary
character,
      whose preeminent services had entitled him to the first place
in
      his country's love and destined for him the fairest page in
the
      volume of faithful history, I ask so much confidence only as
may
      give firmness and effect to the legal administration of your
      affairs.  I shall often go wrong through defect of judgment. 
When
      right, I shall often be thought wrong by those whose
positions
      will not command a view of the whole ground.

          I ask your indulgence for my own errors, which will never
be
      intentional, and your support against the errors of others,
who
      may condemn what they would not if seen in all its parts. 
The
      approbation implied by your suffrage is a great consolation
to me
      for the past, and my future solicitude will be to retain the
good
      opinion of those who have bestowed it in advance, to
conciliate
      that of others by doing them all the good in my power, and to
be
      instrumental to the happiness and freedom of all.

          Relying, then, on the patronage of your goodwill, I
advance
      with obedience to the work, ready to retire from it whenever
you
      become sensible how much better choices it is in your power
to
      make.  And may that Infinite Power which rules the destinies
of
      the universe lead our councils to what is best and give them
a
      favorable issue for your peace and prosperity.


                     Abraham Lincoln - Gettysburg Address

                 Delivered at the National Soldiers' Cemetery
                 Gettysburg, Pennsylvania - November 19, 1863

      Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on
this
      continent a new nation, conceived in liberty and dedicated to
the
      proposition that all men are created equal.

          Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether
that
      nation or any nation so conceived and so dedicated can long
      endure.  We are met on a great battlefield of that war.  We
have
      come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting
place
      for those who here gave their lives that that nation might
live.
      It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.

          But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate  we can not
      consecrate  we can not hallow  this ground.  The brave
men,
      living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it far
      above our poor power to add or detract.  The world will
little
      note nor long remember what we say here, but it can never
forget
      what they did here.  It is for us the living, rather, to be
      dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought
here
      have thus far so nobly advanced.

          It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great
task
      remaining before us  that from these honored dead we take
      increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last
full
      measure of devotion; that we here highly resolve that these
dead
      shall not have died in vain; that this nation, under God,
shall
      have a new birth of freedom; and that government of the
people, by
      the people, for the people shall not perish from the earth.


                  Abraham Lincoln - Second Inaugural Address

                 Delivered at Washington, D.C. - March 4, 1865

      Fellow Countrymen:

      At this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential
      office, there is less occasion for an extended address than
there
      was at the first.  Then, a statement, somewhat in detail, of
a
      course to be pursued seemed fitting and proper.  Now, at the
      expiration of four years, during which public declarations
have
      been constantly called forth on every point and place of the
great
      contest which still absorbs the attention and engrosses the
      energies of the nation, little that is new could be
presented.
      The progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly
depends, is
      as well known to the public as to myself, and it is, I trust,
      reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all.  With high
hope
      for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured.

          On the occasion corresponding to this four years ago, all
      thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war. 
All
      dreaded it, all sought to avert it.  While the inaugural
address
      was being delivered from this place, devoted altogether to
saving
      the Union without war, insurgent agents were in the city
seeking
      to destroy it without war  seeking to dissolve the Union,
and
      divide effects, by negotiating.  Both parties deprecated war,
but
      one of them would make war rather than let the nation
survive, and
      the other would accept war rather than let it perish.  And
the war
      came.

          One-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves,
not
      distributed generally over the Union, but localized in the
      Southern part of it.  These slaves constituted a peculiar and
      powerful interest.  All knew that this interest was somehow
the
      cause of the war.  To strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this
      interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend
the
      Union, even by war, while the government claimed no right to
do
      more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it.

          Neither party expected for the war the magnitude or the
      duration which it has already attained.  Neither anticipated
that
      the cause of the conflict might cease with, or even before,
the
      conflict itself should cease.  Each looked for an easier
triumph
      and a result less fundamental and astounding.  Both read the
same
      Bible and pray to the same God, and each invokes His aid
against
      the other.

          It may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a
just
      God's assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of
other
      men's faces, but let us judge not that we be not judged.  The
      prayers of both could not be answered.  That of neither has
been
      answered fully.  The Almighty has His own purposes.  "Woe
unto the
      world because of offenses! for it must needs be that offences
      come; but woe to that man by whom the offence cometh!"

          If we shall suppose that American slavery is one of those
      offences which, in the providence of God, must needs come,
but
      which, having continued through His appointed time, He now
wills
      to remove, and that He gives to both North and South this
terrible
      war, as the woe due to those by whom the offense came, shall
we
      discern therein any departure from those divine attributes
which
      the believers in the Living God always ascribe to Him? 
Fondly do
      we hope, fervently do we pray, that this mighty scourge of
war may
      speedily pass away.

          Yet, if God wills that it continue, until all the wealth
piled
      by the bondman's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited
toil
      shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the
lash,
      shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said
three
      thousand years ago, so still it must be said "the judgments
of the
      Lord are true and righteous altogether."

          With malice toward none, with charity for all, with
firmness
      in the right, as God gives us to see the right, let us strive
on
      to finish the work we are in, to bind up the nation's wounds,
to
      care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his
widow
      and his orphan  to do all which may achieve and cherish a
just
      and a lasting peace, among ourselves, and with all nations.


           Booker T. Washington  Opening of the Atlanta Exposition

          Delivered at the Cotton States and International
Exposition
                     Atlanta, Georgia - September 18, 1895

      Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Board of Directors and
      Citizens:

      One-third of the population of the South is of the Negro
race.  No
      enterprise seeking the material, civil, or moral welfare of
this
      section can disregard this element of our population and
reach the
      highest success.  I but convey to you, Mr. President and
Directors,
      the sentiment of the masses of my race when I say that in no
way
      have the value and manhood of the American Negro been more
      fittingly and generously recognized than by the managers of
this
      magnificent Exposition at every stage of its progress.  It is
a
      recognition that will do more to cement the friendship of the
two
      races than any occurrence since the dawn of our freedom.

          Not only this, but the opportunity here afforded will
awaken
      among us a new era of industrial progress.  Ignorant and
      inexperienced, it is not strange that in the first years of
our
      new life we began at the top instead of at the bottom; that
a seat
      in Congress or the State legislature was more sought than
real
      estate or industrial skill; that the political convention or
stump
      speaking had more attractions than starting a dairy farm or
truck
      garden.

          A ship lost at sea for many days suddenly sighted a
friendly
      vessel.  From the mast of the unfortunate vessel was seen a
      signal, "Water, water; we die of thirst!"  The answer from
the
      friendly vessel at once came back, "Cast down your bucket
where
      you are."  A second time the signal, "Water, water; send us
      water!" ran up from the distressed vessel, and was answered,
"Cast
      down your bucket where you are."  And a third and fourth
signal
      for water was answered, "Cast down your bucket where you
are."
      The captain of the distressed vessel, at last heeding the
      injunction, cast down his bucket, and it came up full of
fresh
      sparkling water from the mouth of the Amazon River.

          To those of my race who depend on bettering their
condition in
      a foreign land, or who underestimate the importance of
cultivating
      friendly relations with the Southern white man, who is their
      next-door neighbor, I would say:  Cast down your bucket where
you
      are; cast it down in making friends in every manly way of the
      people of all races by whom we are surrounded.  Cast it down
in
      agriculture, mechanics, in commerce, in domestic service, and
in
      the professions.  And in this connection it is well to bear
in
      mind that whatever other sins the South may be called to
bear,
      when it comes to business, pure and simple, it is in the
South
      that the Negro is given a man's chance in the commercial
world,
      and in nothing is this Exposition more eloquent than in
      emphasizing this chance.

          Our greatest danger is that, in the great leap from
slavery to
      freedom, we may overlook the fact that the masses of us are
to live
      by the productions of our hands, and fail to keep in mind
that we
      shall prosper in proportion as we learn to dignify and
glorify
      common labor and put brains and skill into the common
occupations
      of life; shall prosper in proportion as we learn to draw the
line
      between the superficial and the substantial, the ornamental
      gewgaws of life and the useful.  No race can prosper till it
      learns that there is as much dignity in tilling a field as in
      writing a poem.  It is at the bottom of life we must begin,
and
      not at the top.  Nor should we permit our grievances to
overshadow
      our opportunities.

          To those of the white race who look to the incoming of
those
      of foreign birth and strange tongue and habits for the
prosperity
      of the South, were I permitted I would repeat what I say to
my own
      race, "Cast down your bucket where you are."  Cast it down
among
      the eight million of Negroes whose habits you know, whose
fidelity
      and love you have tested in days when to have proved
treacherous
      meant the ruin of your firesides.  Cast down your bucket
among
      these people who have, without strikes and labor wars, tilled
your
      fields, cleared your forests, builded your railroads and
cities,
      and brought forth treasures from the bowels of the earth, and
      helped make possible this magnificent representation of the
      progress of the South.  Casting down your bucket among my
people,
      helping and encouraging them as you are doing on these
grounds,
      and, with education of head, hand, and heart, you will find
that
      they will buy your surplus land, make blossom the waste
places in
      your fields, and run your factories.

          While doing this, you can be sure in the future, as in
the
      past, that you and your families will be surrounded by the
most
      patient, faithful, law-abiding, and unresentful people that
the
      world has seen.  As we have proved our loyalty to you in the
past,
      in nursing your children, watching by the sick-bed of your
mothers
      and fathers, and often following them with tear-dimmed eyes
to
      their graves, so in the future, in our humble way, we shall
stand
      by you with a devotion that no foreigner can approach, ready
to
      lay down our lives, if need be, in defence of yours;
interlacing
      our industrial, commercial, civil, and religious life with
yours
      in a way that shall make the interests of both races one.  In
all
      things that are purely social we can be as separate as the
      fingers, yet one as the hand in all things essential to
mutual
      progress.

          There is no defence or security for any of us except in
the
      highest intelligence and development of all.  If anywhere
there
      are efforts tending to curtail the fullest growth of the
Negro,
      let these efforts be turned into stimulating, encouraging,
and
      making him the most useful and intelligent citizen.  Effort
or
      means so invested will pay a thousand percent interest. 
These
      efforts will be twice blessed  "blessing him that gives and
him
      that takes."

          There is no escape through law of man or God from the
      inevitable:

                      The laws of changeless justice bind
                        Oppressor with oppressed;
                      And close as sin and suffering joined
                        We march to fate abreast.

          Nearly sixteen million hands will aid you in pulling the
load
      upward, or they will pull against you the load downward.  We
shall
      constitute one-third and more of the ignorance and crime of
the
      South, or one-third its intelligence and progress; we shall
      contribute one-third to the business and industrial
prosperity of
      the South, or we shall prove a veritable body of death,
stagnating,
      depressing, retarding every effort to advance the body
politic.

          Gentlemen of the Exposition, as we present to you our
humble
      effort at an exhibition of our progress, you must not expect
      overmuch.  Starting thirty years ago with ownership here and
there
      in a few quilts and pumpkins and chickens (gathered from
      miscellaneous sources), remember:  the path that has led from
      these to the inventions and production of agricultural
implements,
      buggies, steam-engines, newspapers, books, statuary, carving,
      paintings, the management of drug stores and banks, has not
been
      trodden without contact with thorns and thistles.  While we
take
      pride in what we exhibit as a result of our independent
efforts,
      we do not for a moment forget that our part in this
exhibition
      would fall far short of your expectations but for the
constant
      help that has come to our educational life, not only from the
      Southern States, but especially from Northern
philanthropists, who
      have made their gifts a constant stream of blessing and
      encouragement.

          The wisest among my race understand that the agitation of
      questions of social equality is the extremest folly, and that
      progress in the enjoyment of all the privileges that will
come to
      us must be the result of severe and constant struggle rather
than
      of artificial forcing.  No race that has anything to
contribute to
      the markets of the world is long in any degree ostracized. 
It is
      important and right that all privileges of the law be ours,
but it
      is vastly more important that we be prepared for the exercise
of
      these privileges.  The opportunity to earn a dollar in a
factory
      just now is worth infinitely more than the opportunity to
spend a
      dollar in an opera house.

          In conclusion, may I repeat that nothing in thirty years
has
      given us more hope and encouragement, and drawn us so near to
you
      of the white race, as this opportunity offered by the
Exposition;
      and here bending, as it were, over the altar that represents
the
      struggles of your race and mine, both starting practically
      empty-handed three decades ago, I pledge that, in your effort
to
      work out the great and intricate problem which God has laid
at the
      doors of the South, you shall have at all times the patient,
      sympathetic help of my race; only let this be constantly in
mind
      that, while from representations in these buildings of the
product
      of field, of forest, of mine, of factory, letters, and art,
much
      good will come  yet far above and beyond material benefits
will
      be that higher good, that let us pray God will come, in a
blotting
      out of sectional differences and racial animosities and
suspicions,
      in a determination to administer absolute justice, in a
willing
      obedience among all classes to the mandates of the law. 
This,
      coupled with our material prosperity, will bring into our
beloved
      South a new heaven and a new earth.


                   Woodrow Wilson - War Message to Congress

                   Delivered before both Houses of Congress
                       Washington, D.C. - April 2, 1917

      I have called Congress in Extraordinary Session because there
are
      serious, very serious, choices of policy to be made, and made
      immediately, which it was neither right constitutionally nor
      permissible that I should assume the responsibility of
making.

          On the third of February last, I officially laid before
you
      the extraordinary announcement of the Imperial German
government
      that on and after the 1st day of February it was its purpose
to
      put aside all restraints of law or humanity, and use its
      submarines to sink every vessel that sought to approach
either the
      ports of Great Britain and Ireland or the western coasts of
Europe
      or any of the ports controlled by the enemies of Germany
within
      the Mediterranean.

          That had seemed to be the object of the German submarine
      warfare earlier in the war, but since April of last year the
      Imperial government had somewhat restrained the commanders of
its
      undersea craft in conformity with its promise then given to
us
      that passenger boats should not be sunk and that due warning
would
      be given to all other vessels which its submarines might seek
to
      destroy, when no resistance was offered or escape attempted,
and
      care would be taken that their crews were given at least a
fair
      chance to save their lives in their open boats.  The
precautions
      then were meagre and haphazard enough, as was proved in
      distressing instance after instance in the progress of the
cruel
      and unmanly business, but a certain degree of restraint was
      observed.

          The new policy has swept every restriction aside. 
Vessels of
      every kind, whatever their flag, their character, their
cargo,
      their destination, or their errand, have been ruthlessly sent
to
      the bottom without warning and without thought of help or
mercy
      for those on board, the vessels of friendly neutrals along
with
      those of belligerents.  Even hospital ships and ships
carrying
      relief to the sorely bereaved and stricken people of Belgium,
      though the latter were provided with a safe conduct through
the
      prescribed areas by the German government itself, and were
      distinguished by unmistakable marks of identity, have been
sunk
      with the same reckless lack of compassion or of principle.

          I was for a little while unable to believe that such
things
      would in fact be done by any government that had hitherto
      subscribed to the humane practices of civilized nations.
      International law had its origin in the attempt to set up
some law
      which would be respected and observed upon the seas, where no
      nation had the right of dominion and where lay the free
highways
      of the world.  By painful stage after stage has that law been
      built up, with meagre enough results, indeed, after all was
      accomplished that could be accomplished, but always with a
clear
      view, at least, of what the heart and conscience of mankind
      demanded.

          This minimum of right the German government has swept
aside
      under the plea of retaliation and necessity, and because it
had no
      weapons which it could use at sea, except these which it is
      impossible to employ as it is employing them without throwing
to
      the winds all scruples of humanity or of respect for the
      understandings supposed to underlie the intercourse of the
world.
      I am not now thinking of the loss of property involved,
immense
      and serious as that is, but only of the wanton and wholesale
      destruction of the lives of non-combatants, men, women, and
      children, engaged in pursuits which have always, even in the
      darkest periods of modern history, been deemed innocent and
      legitimate.  Property can be paid for; the lives of peaceful
and
      innocent people cannot be.

          The present German submarine warfare against commerce is
a
      warfare against mankind.  It is a war against all nations.
      American ships have been sunk, American lives taken in ways
which
      it has stirred us very deeply to learn of; but the ships and
      people of other neutral and friendly nations have been sunk
and
      overwhelmed in the waters in the same way.  There has been no
      discrimination.  The challenge is to all mankind.

          Each nation must decide for itself how it will meet it. 
The
      choice we make for ourselves must be made with a moderation
of
      counsel and a temperateness of judgment befitting our
character
      and our motives as a nation.  We must put excited feelings
away.
      Our motive will not be revenge or the victorious assertion of
the
      physical might of the nation, but only the vindication of
right,
      of human right, of which we are only a single champion.

          When I addressed the Congress on the 26th of February
last, I
      thought that it would suffice to assert our neutral rights
with
      arms, our right to use the seas against unlawful
interference, our
      right to keep our people safe against unlawful violence.  But
      armed neutrality, it now appears, is impracticable.  Because
      submarines are in effect outlaws when used as the German
      submarines have been used against merchant shipping, it is
      impossible to defend ships against their attacks, as the law
of
      nations has assumed that merchantmen would defend themselves
      against privateers or cruisers, visible craft giving chase
upon
      the open sea.

          It is common prudence in such circumstances, grim
necessity
      indeed, to endeavor to destroy them before they have shown
their
      own intention.  They must be dealt with upon sight, if dealt
with
      at all.  The German government denies the right of neutrals
to use
      arms at all within the areas of the sea which it has
prescribed,
      even in defense of rights which no modern publicist ever
before
      questioned their right to defend.  An intimation has been
conveyed
      that the armed guards which we have placed on our merchant
ships
      will be treated as beyond the pale of the law and subject to
be
      dealt with as pirates would be.

          Armed neutrality is ineffectual enough at the best; in
such
      circumstances and in the face of such pretensions it is worse
than
      ineffectual: it is likely only to produce what it was meant
to
      prevent; it is practically certain to draw us into the war
without
      either the rights or the effectiveness of belligerents. 
There is
      one choice we cannot make, we are incapable of making: we
will not
      choose the path of submission and suffer the most sacred
rights of
      our nation and our people to be ignored or violated.  The
wrongs
      against which we now array ourselves are no common wrongs;
they
      cut to the very roots of human life.

          With a profound sense of the solemn and even tragical
      character of the step I am taking and of the grave
      responsibilities which it involves, but in unhesitating
obedience
      to what I deem my constitutional duty, I advise that the
Congress
      declare the recent course of the Imperial German government
to be
      in fact nothing less than war against the government and
people of
      the United States; that it formally accept the status of
      belligerent which hss thus been thrust upon it; and that it
take
      immediate steps, not only to put the country in a more
thorough
      state of defense, but also to exert all its power and employ
all
      its resources to bring the government of the German Empire to
      terms and end the war.

          What this will involve is clear.  It will involve the
utmost
      practicable cooperation in council and action with the
governments
      now at war with Germany and, as incident to that, the
extension to
      those governments of the most liberal financial credits, in
order
      that our resources may so far as possible be added to theirs. 
It
      will involve the organization and mobilization of all the
material
      resources of the country to supply the materials of war and
serve
      the incidental needs of the nation in the most abundant and
yet
      the most economical and efficient way possible.  It will
involve
      the immediate full equipment of the Navy in all respects, but
      particularly in supplying it with the best means of dealing
with
      the enemy's submarines.  It will involve the immediate
addition to
      the armed forces of the United States already provided for by
law
      in case of war at least 500,000 men, who should, in my
opinion, be
      chosen upon the principle of universal liability to service,
and
      also the authorization of subsequent additional increments of
      equal force so soon as they may be needed and can be handled
in
      training.

          It will involve also, of course, the granting of adequate
      credits to the government, sustained, I hope, so far as they
can
      equitably be sustained by the present generation, by
      well-conceived taxation.  I say sustained so far as may be
      equitable by taxation because it seems to me that it would be
      unwise to base the credits which will now be necessary
entirely
      on money borrowed.  It is our duty, I most respectfully urge,
to
      protect our people so far as we may against the very serious
      hardships and evils which would be likely to arise out of the
      inflation which would be produced by vast loans.

          In carrying out the measures by which these things are to
be
      accomplished, we should keep constantly in mind the wisdom of
      interfering as little as possible in our own preparation and
in
      the equipment of our own military forces with the duty  for
it
      will be a very practical duty  of supplying the nations
already
      at war with Germany with the materials which they can obtain
only
      from us or by our assistance.  They are in the field and we
should
      help them in every way to be effective there.

          I shall take the liberty of suggesting, through several
      executive departments of the government, for the
consideration of
      your committees, measures for the accomplishment of the
several
      objects I have mentioned.  I hope that it will be your
pleasure to
      deal with them as having been framed after very careful
thought by
      the branch of the government upon which the responsibility of
      conducting the war and safeguarding the nation will most
directly
      fall.

          While we do these things  these deeply momentous things

      let us be very clear, and make very clear to all the world,
what
      our motives and our objects are.  My own thought has not been
      driven from its habitual and normal course by the unhappy
events
      of the last two months, and I do not believe that the thought
of
      the nation has been altered or clouded by them.  I have
exactly
      the same things in mind now that I had in mind when I
addressed
      the Senate on the 22nd of January last; the same that I had
in
      mind when I addressed the Congress on the 3rd of February and
the
      26th of February.

          Our object now, as then, is to vindicate the principles
of
      peace and justice in the life of the world as against selfish
and
      autocratic power, and to set up among the really free and
      self-governed peoples of the world such a concert of purpose
and
      of action as will henceforth ensure the observance of those
      principles.  Neutrality is no longer feasible or desirable
where
      the peace of the world is involved and the freedom of its
peoples,
      and the menace to that peace and freedom lies in the
existence of
      autocratic governments backed by organized force which is
      controlled wholly by their will, not by the will of their
people.
      We have seen the last of neutrality in such circumstances. 
We are
      at the beginning of an age in which it will be insisted that
the
      same standards of conduct and of responsibility for wrong
done
      shall be observed among nations and their governments that
are
      observed among the individual citizens of civilized states.

          We have no quarrel with the German people.  We have no
feeling
      toward them but one of sympathy and friendship.  It was not
upon
      their impulse that their government acted in entering this
war.
      It was not with their previous knowledge or approval.  It was
a
      war determined upon as wars used to be determined upon in the
old,
      unhappy days when peoples were nowhere consulted by their
rulers,
      and wars were provoked and waged in the interest of dynasties
or
      of little groups of ambitious men who were accustomed to use
their
      fellow men as pawns and tools.

          Self-governed nations do not fill their neighbor states
with
      spies or set the course of intrigue to bring about some
critical
      posture of affairs which will give them an opportunity to
strike
      and make conquest.  Such designs can be successfully worked
out
      only under cover and where no one has the right to ask
questions.
      Cunningly contrived plans of deception or aggression,
carried, it
      may be, from generation to generation, can be worked out and
kept
      from the light only within the privacy of courts or behind
the
      carefully guarded confidences of a narrow and privileged
class.
      They are happily impossible where public opinion commands and
      insists upon full information concerning all the nation's
affairs.

          A steadfast concert for peace can never be maintained
except
      by a partnership of democratic nations.  No autocratic
government
      could be trusted to keep faith within it or observe its
covenants.
      There must be a league of honour, a partnership of opinion.
      Intrigue would eat its vitals away; the plottings of inner
circles
      who could plan what they would and render account to no one
would
      be a corruption seated at its very heart.  Only free peoples
can
      hold their purpose and their honor steady to a common end and
      prefer the interests of mankind to any narrow interest of
their
      own.

          Does not every American feel that assurance has been
added to
      our hope for the future peace of the world by the wonderful
and
      heartening things that have been happening within the last
few
      weeks in Russia?  Russia was known by those who knew it best
to
      have been always in fact democratic at heart, in all the
vital
      habits of her thought, in all the intimate relations of her
people
      that spoke their natural instinct, their habitual attitude
towards
      life.  The autocracy that crowned the summit of her political
      structure, long as it had stood and terrible as was the
reality of
      its power, was not in fact Russian in origin, character, or
      purpose; and now it has been shaken off and the great,
generous
      Russian people have been added in all their naive majesty and
      might to the forces that are fighting for freedom in the
world,
      for justice, and for peace.  Here is a fit partner for a
League of
      Honor.

          One of the things that has served to convince us that the
      Prussian autocracy was not, and could never be, our friend is
that
      from the very outset of the present war, it has filled our
      unsuspecting communities and even our offices of government
with
      spies and set criminal intrigues everywhere afoot against our
      national unity of council, our peace within and without, our
      industries and our commerce.  Indeed, it is now evident that
spies
      were here even before the war began; and it is unhappily not
a
      matter of conjecture, but a fact proved in our courts of
justice,
      that intrigues which more than once came perilously near to
      disturbing the peace and dislocating the industries of the
country
      have been carried on at the instigation, with the support,
and
      even under the personal direction of official agents of the
      Imperial government accredited to the government of the
United
      States.

          Even in checking these things and trying to extirpate
them, we
      have sought to put the most generous interpretation possible
upon
      them, because we knew that their source lay, not in any
hostile
      feeling or purpose of the German people towards us (who were
no
      doubt as ignorant of them as we ourselves were) but only in
      selfish designs of a government that did what it pleased and
told
      its people nothing.  But they have played their part in
serving to
      convince us at last that that government entertains no real
      friendship for us and means to act against our peace and
security
      at its convenience.  That it means to stir up enemies against
us
      at our very doors the intercepted note to the German minister
at
      Mexico City is eloquent evidence.

          We are accepting this challenge of hostile purpose
because we
      know that in such a government, following such methods, we
can
      never have a friend; and that in the presence of its
organized
      power, always lying in wait to accomplish we know not what
      purpose, there can be no assured security for the democratic
      governments of the world.  We are now about to accept the
gage of
      battle with this natural foe to liberty and shall, if
necessary,
      spend the whole force of the nation to check and nullify its
      pretensions and its power.  We are glad, now that we see the
facts
      with no veil of false pretence about them, to fight thus for
the
      ultimate peace of the world and for the liberation of its
peoples,
      the German peoples included: for the rights of nations great
and
      small, and the privilege of men everywhere to choose their
way of
      life and of obedience.

          The world must be made safe for democracy.  Its peace
must be
      planted upon the tested foundations of political liberty.  We
have
      no selfish ends to serve.  We desire no conquest, no
dominion.  We
      seek no indemnities for ourselves, no material compensation
for
      the sacrifices we shall freely make.  We are but one of the
      champions of the rights of mankind.  We shall be satisfied
when
      those rights have been made as secure as the faith and the
freedom
      of nations can make them.

          Just because we fight without rancour and without selfish
      object, seeking nothing for ourselves but what we shall wish
to
      share with all free peoples, we shall, I feel confident,
conduct
      our operations as belligerents without passion and ourselves
      observe with proud punctilio the principles of right and of
fair
      play we profess to be fighting for.

          I have said nothing of the governments allied with the
      Imperial government of Germany because they have not made war
upon
      us or challenged us to defend our rights and our honor.  The
      Austro-Hungarian government has, indeed, avowed its
unqualified
      endorsement and acceptance of the reckless and lawless
submarine
      warfare, adopted now without disguise by the Imperial German
      government, and it has therefore not been possible for this
      government to receive Count Tarnowski, the Ambassador
recently
      accredited to this government by the Imperial and Royal
government
      of Austria-Hungary; but that government has not actually
engaged
      in warfare against citizens of the United States on the seas,
and
      I take the liberty, for the present at least, of postponing
a
      discussion of our relations with the authorities at Vienna. 
We
      enter this war only where we are clearly forced into it
because
      there are no other means of defending our rights.

          It will be all the easier for us to conduct ourselves as
      belligerents in a high spirit of right and fairness because
we act
      without animus, not in enmity toward a people, or with a
desire to
      bring any injury or disadvantage upon them, but only in armed
      opposition to an irresponsible government which has thrown
aside
      all considerations of humanity and of right and is running
amok.
      We are, let me say again, the sincere friends of the German
people,
      and shall desire nothing so much as an early reestablishment
of
      intimate relations of mutual advantage between us  however
hard
      it may be for them, for the time being, to believe that this
is
      spoken from our hearts.

          We have borne with their present government through all
these
      bitter months because of that friendship  exercising a
patience
      and forbearance which would otherwise have been impossible. 
We
      shall, happily, still have an opportunity to prove that
friendship
      in our daily attitude and actions towards the millions of men
and
      women of German birth and native sympathy who live among us
and
      share our life, and we shall be proud to prove it toward all
who
      are in fact loyal to their neighbors and to the government in
the
      hour of test.  They are, most of them, as true and loyal
Americans
      as if they had never known any other fealty or allegiance. 
They
      will be prompt to stand with us in rebuking and restraining
the
      few who may be of a different mind and purpose.  If there
should
      be disloyalty, it will be dealt with with a firm hand of
stern
      repression; but, if it lifts its head at all, it will lift it
only
      here and there and without countenance, except from a lawless
and
      malignant few.

          It is a distressing and oppressive duty, gentlemen of the
      Congress, which I have performed in thus addressing you. 
There
      are, it may be, many months of fiery trial and sacrifice
ahead of
      us.  It is a fearful thing to lead this great peaceful people
into
      war, into the most terrible and disastrous of all wars,
      civilization itself seeming to be in the balance.  But the
right
      is more precious than peace, and we shall fight for the
things
      which we have always carried nearest our hearts  for
democracy,
      for the right of those who submit to authority to have a
voice in
      their own governments, for the rights and liberties of small
      nations, for a universal dominion of right by such a concert
of
      free peoples as shall bring peace and safety to all nations,
and
      make the world itself at last free.

          To such a task we can dedicate our lives and our
fortunes,
      everything that we are and everything that we have, with the
pride
      of those who know that the day has come when America is
privileged
      to spend her blood and her might for the principles that gave
her
      birth and happiness and the peace which she has treasured. 
God
      helping her, she can do no other.


                Franklin D. Roosevelt - War Message to Congress

                   Delivered before both Houses of Congress
                      Washington, D.C. - December 8, 1941

      Yesterday, December 7, 1941  a date which will live in
infamy 
      the United States of America was suddenly and deliberately
attacked
      by naval and air forces of the Empire of Japan.

          The United States was at peace with that nation, and, at
the
      solicitation of Japan, was still in conversation with its
      government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of
peace
      in the Pacific.  Indeed, one hour after Japanese air
squadrons had
      commenced bombing in Oahu, the Japanese Ambassador to the
United
      States and his colleague delivered to the Secretary of State
a
      formal reply to a recent American message.  While this reply
stated
      that it seemed useless to continue the existing diplomatic
      negotiations, it contained no threat or hint of war or armed
attack.

          It will be recorded that the distance of Hawaii from
Japan
      makes it obvious that the attack was deliberately planned
many days
      or even weeks ago.  During the intervening time the Japanese
      government has deliberately sought to deceive the United
States by
      false statements and expressions of hope for continued peace.

          The attack yesterday on the Hawaiian Islands has caused
severe
      damage to American naval and military forces.  Very many
American
      lives have been lost.  In addition, American ships have been
      reported torpedoed on the high seas between San Francisco and
      Honolulu.

          Yesterday the Japanese Government also launched an attack
      against Malaya.

          Last night Japanese forces attacked Hong Kong.

          Last night Japanese forces attacked Guam.

          Last night Japanese forces attacked the Philippine
Islands.

          Last night the Japanese attacked Wake Island.

          This morning the Japanese attacked Midway Island.

          Japan has, therefore, undertaken a surprise offensive
extending
      throughout the Pacific area.  The facts of yesterday speak
for
      themselves.  The people of the United States have already
formed
      their opinions and well understand the implications to the
very
      life and safety of our nation.

          As Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy I have
directed that
      all measures be taken for our defense.

          Always will we remember the character of the onslaught
against
      us.  No matter how long it may take us to overcome this
      premeditated invasion, the American people in their righteous
might
      will win through to absolute victory.  I believe I interpret
the
      will of the Congress and of the people when I assert that we
will
      not only defend ourselves to the uttermost but will make very
      certain that this form of treachery shall never endanger us
again.

          Hostilities exist.  There is no blinking at the fact that
our
      people, our territory, and our interests are in grave danger.

          With confidence in our armed forces  with the unbounded
      determination of our people  we will gain the inevitable
triumph
       so help us God.

          I ask that the Congress declare that since the unprovoked
and
      dastardly attack by Japan on Sunday, December seventh, a
state of
      war has existed between the United States and the Japanese
Empire.


        William Faulkner - Acceptance of the Nobel Prize for
Literature

              Delivered at Stockholm, Sweden - December 10, 1950

      I feel that this award was not made to me as a man, but to my
work
       a life's work in the agony and sweat of the human spirit,
not
      for glory and least of all for profit, but to create out of
the
      materials of the human spirit something which did not exist
before.
      So this award is only mine in trust.  It will not be
difficult to
      find a dedication for the money part of it commensurate with
the
      purpose and significance of its origin.  But I would like to
do the
      same with the acclaim too, by using this moment as a pinnacle
from
      which I might be listened to by the young men and women
already
      dedicated to the same anguish and travail, among whom is
already
      that one who will someday stand here where I am standing.

          Our tragedy today is a general and universal physical
fear so
      long sustained by now that we can even bear it.  There are no
      longer problems of the spirit.  There is only the question:
when
      will I be blown up?  Because of this, the young man or woman
      writing today has forgotten the problems of the human heart
in
      conflict with itself which alone can make good writing
because only
      that is worth writing about, worth the agony and the sweat.

          He must learn them again.  He must teach himself that the
      basest of all things is to be afraid; and, teaching himself
that,
      forget it forever, leaving no room in his workshop for
anything but
      the old verities and truths of the heart, the old universal
truths
      lacking which any story is ephemeral and doomed  love and
honor
      and pity and pride and compassion and sacrifice.  Until he
does so,
      he labors under a curse.  He writes not of love but of lust,
of
      defeats in which nobody loses anything of value, of victories
      without hope, and, worst of all, without pity or compassion. 
His
      griefs grieve on no universal bones, leaving no scars.  He
writes
      not of the heart but of the glands.

          Until he relearns these things, he will write as though
he
      stood among and watched the end of man.  I decline to accept
the
      end of man.  It is easy enough to say that man is immortal
simply
      because he will endure; that when the last ding-dong of doom
has
      clanged and faded from the last worthless rock hanging
tideless in
      the last red and dying evening, that even then there will
still be
      one more sound: that of his puny inexhaustible voice, still
      talking.  I refuse to accept this.  I believe that man will
not
      merely endure: he will prevail.  He is immortal, not because
he
      alone among creatures has an inexhaustible voice, but because
he
      has a soul, a spirit capable of compassion and sacrifice and
      endurance.  The poet's, the writer's, duty is to write about
these
      things.  It is his privilege to help man endure by lifting
his
      heart, by reminding him of the courage and honor and hope and
pride
      and compassion and pity and sacrifice which have been the
glory of
      his past.  The poet's voice need not merely be the record of
man;
      it can be one of the props, the pillars, to help him endure
and
      prevail.


               Douglas MacArthur - Farewell Address to Congress

                Delivered before a Special Session of Congress
                       Washington, D.C. - April 19, 1951

      Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, and distinguished members of the
      Congress:

      I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and
great
      pride  humility in the wake of those great American
architects
      of our history who have stood here before me, pride in the
      reflection that this forum of legislative debate represents
human
      liberty in the purest form yet devised.  Here are centered
the
      hopes, and aspirations, and faith of the entire human race.

          I do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause,
for
      the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm
of
      partisan consideration.  They must be resolved on the highest
      plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound
and our
      future protected.  I trust, therefore, that you will do me
the
      justice of receiving that which I have to say as solely
expressing
      the considered viewpoint of a fellow American.  I address you
with
      neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life
with
      but one purpose in mind  to serve my country.

          The issues are global and so interlocked that to consider
the
      problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but
to
      court disaster for the whole.

          While Asia is commonly referred to as the gateway to
Europe,
      it is no less true that Europe is the gateway to Asia, and
the
      broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact
upon the
      other.

          There are those who claim our strength is inadequate to
      protect on both fronts  that we cannot divide our effort. 
I can
      think of no greater expression of defeatism.  If a potential
enemy
      can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to
counter his
      effort.

          The Communist threat is a global one.  Its successful
advance
      in one sector threatens the destruction of every other
sector.
      You cannot appease or otherwise surrender to communism in
Asia
      without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its
advance
      in Europe.

          Beyond pointing out these general truisms, I shall
confine my
      discussion to the general areas of Asia.  Before one may
      objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must
      comprehend something of Asia's past and the revolutionary
changes
      which have marked her course up to the present.  Long
exploited by
      the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to
achieve
      any degree of social justice, individual dignity, or a higher
      standard of life such as guided our own noble administration
of
      the Philippines, the peoples of Asia found their opportunity
in
      the war just past to throw off the shackles of colonialism,
and
      now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt
dignity
      and the self-respect of political freedom.

          Mustering half of the earth's population and 60 percent
of its
      natural resources, these peoples are rapidly consolidating a
new
      force, both moral and material, with which to raise the
living
      standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern
progress to
      their own distinct cultural environments.  Whether one
adheres to
      the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of
Asian
      progress and it may not be stopped.  It is a corollary to the
      shift of the world economic frontiers, as the whole epicenter
of
      world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started. 
In
      this situation it becomes vital that our own country orient
its
      policies in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition
      rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the
colonial
      era is now past and the Asian peoples covet the right to
shape
      their own free destiny.

          What they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding,
and
      support, not imperious direction; the dignity of equality,
not the
      shame of subjugation.  Their prewar standards of life,
pitifully
      low, are infinitely lower now in the devastation left in
war's
      wake.  World ideologies play little part in Asian thinking
and are
      little understood.  What the people strive for is the
opportunity
      for a little more food in their stomachs, a little better
clothing
      on their backs, a little firmer roof over their heads, and
the
      realization of the normal nationalist urge for political
freedom.
      These political-social conditions have but an indirect
bearing
      upon our own national security, but do form a backdrop to
      contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered
if we
      are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism.

          Of more direct and immediate bearing upon our national
security
      are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the
Pacific
      Ocean in the course of the past war.  Prior thereto, the
western
      strategic frontier of the United States lay on the littoral
line
      of the Americas with an exposed island salient extending out
      through Hawaii, Midway, and Guam to the Philippines.  That
salient
      proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness
along
      which the enemy could and did attack.  The Pacific was a
potential
      area of advance for any predatory force intent upon striking
at
      the bordering land areas.

          All this was changed by our Pacific victory.  Our
strategic
      frontier then shifted to embrace the entire Pacific Ocean,
which
      became a vast moat to protect us as long as we hold it. 
Indeed,
      it acts as a protective shield for all of the Americas and
all
      free lands of the Pacific Ocean area.  We control it to the
shores
      of Asia by a chain of islands extending in an arc from the
      Aleutians to the Marianas held by us and our free allies.

          From this island chain we can dominate with sea and air
power
      every Asiatic port from Vladivostok to Singapore and prevent
any
      hostile movement into the Pacific.  Any predatory attack from
Asia
      must be an amphibious effort.  No amphibious force can be
      successful without control of the sea lanes and the air over
those
      lanes in its avenue of advance.  With naval and air supremacy
and
      modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from
      continental Asia toward us or our friends of the Pacific
would be
      doomed to failure.  Under such conditions the Pacific no
longer
      represents menacing avenues of approach for a prospective
invader
       it assumes instead the friendly aspect of a peaceful lake. 
Our
      line of defense is a natural one and can be maintained with
a
      minimum of military effort and expense.  It envisions no
attack
      against anyone nor does it provide the bastions essential for
      offensive operations, but properly maintained would be an
      invincible defense against aggression.

          The holding of this littoral defense line in the western
      Pacific is entirely dependent upon holding all segments
thereof,
      for any major breach of that line by an unfriendly power
would
      render vulnerable to determined attack every other major
segment.
      This is a military estimate as to which I have yet to find a
      military leader who will take exception.  For that reason I
have
      strongly recommended in the past as a matter of military
urgency
      that under no circumstances must Formosa fall under Communist
      control.  Such an eventuality would at once threaten the
freedom
      of the Philippines and the loss of Japan, and might well
force our
      western frontier back to the coasts of California, Oregon,
and
      Washington.

          To understand the changes which now appear upon the
Chinese
      mainland, one must understand the changes in Chinese
character and
      culture over the past fifty years.  China up to fifty years
ago
      was completely nonhomogeneous, being compartmented into
groups
      divided against each other.  The war-making tendency was
almost
      nonexistent, as they still followed the tenets of the
Confucian
      ideal of pacifist culture.  At the turn of the century, under
the
      regime of Chan So Lin, efforts toward greater homogeneity
produced
      the start of a nationalist urge.  This was further and more
      successfully developed under the leadership of Chiang
Kai-shek,
      but has been brought to its greatest fruition under the
present
      regime, to the point that it has now taken on the character
of a
      united nationalism of increasingly dominant aggressive
tendencies.

          Through these past fifty years, the Chinese people have
thus
      become militarized in their concepts and in their ideals. 
They
      now constitute excellent soldiers, with competent staffs and
      commanders.  This has produced a new and dominant power in
Asia
      which for its own purposes is allied with Soviet Russia, but
which
      in its own concepts and methods has become aggressively
      imperialistic with a lust for expansion and increased power
normal
      to this type of imperialism.  There is little of the
ideological
      concept either one way or another in the Chinese makeup.  The
      standard of living is so low and the capital accumulation has
been
      so thoroughly dissipated by war that the masses are desperate
and
      avid to follow any leadership which seems to promise the
      alleviation of local stringencies.

          I have from the beginning believed that the Chinese
Communists'
      support of the North Koreans was the dominant one.  Their
      interests are at present parallel to those of the Soviet, but
I
      believe that the aggressiveness recently displayed not only
in
      Korea but also in Indochina and Tibet, and pointing
potentially
      toward the south, reflects predominantly the same lust for
the
      expansion of power which has animated every would-be
conqueror
      since the beginning of time.

          The Japanese people since the war have undergone the
greatest
      reformation recorded in modern history.  With a commendable
will,
      eagerness to learn, and marked capacity to understand, they
have,
      from the ashes left in war's wake, erected in Japan an
edifice
      dedicated to the primacy of individual liberty and personal
      dignity, and in the ensuing process there has been created a
truly
      representative government committed to the advance of
political
      morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social justice.
      Politically, economically, and socially, Japan is now abreast
of
      many free nations of the earth and will not again fail the
      universal trust.  That it may be counted upon to wield a
      profoundly beneficial influence over the course of events in
Asia
      is attested by the magnificent manner in which the Japanese
people
      have met the recent challenge of war, unrest, and confusion
      surrounding them from the outside, and checked communism
within
      their own frontiers without the slightest slackening in their
      forward progress.

          I sent all four of our occupation divisions to the Korean
      battlefront without the slightest qualms as to the effect of
the
      resulting power vacuum upon Japan.  The results fully
justified my
      faith.  I know of no nation more serene, orderly, and
industrious
      nor in which higher hopes can be entertained for future
      constructive service in the advance of the human race.

          Of our former wards, the Philippines, we can look forward
in
      confidence that the existing unrest will be corrected and a
strong
      and healthy nation will grow in the longer aftermath of war's
      terrible destructiveness.  We must be patient and
understanding
      and never fail them, as in our hour of need they did not fail
us.
      A Christian nation, the Philippines stand as a mighty bulwark
of
      Christianity in the Far East, and its capacity for high moral
      leadership in Asia is unlimited.

          On Formosa, the government of the Republic of China has
had
      the opportunity to refute by action much of the malicious
gossip
      which so undermined the strength of its leadership on the
Chinese
      mainland.  The Formosan people are receiving a just and
      enlightened administration with majority representation on
the
      organs of government; and politically, economically, and
socially
      they appear to be advancing along sound and constructive
lines.

          With this brief insight into the surrounding areas I now
turn
      to the Korean conflict.  While I was not consulted prior to
the
      President's decision to intervene in support of the Republic
of
      Korea, that decision, from a military standpoint, proved a
sound
      one as we hurled back the invaders and decimated his forces. 
Our
      victory was complete and our objectives within reach when Red
      China intervened with numerically superior ground forces. 
This
      created a new war and an entirely new situation  a
situation not
      contemplated when our forces were committed against the North
      Korean invaders  a situation which called for new decisions
in
      the diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of
      military strategy.  Such decisions have not been forthcoming.

          While no man in his right mind would advocate sending our
      ground forces into continental China, and such was never
given a
      thought, the new situation did urgently demand a drastic
revision
      of strategic planning if our political aim was to defeat this
new
      enemy as we had defeated the old.

          Apart from the military need as I saw it to neutralize
the
      sanctuary protection given the enemy north of the Yalu, I
felt
      that military necessity in the conduct of the war made
mandatory:

          1. The intensification of our economic blockade against
China.

          2. The imposition of a naval blockade against the China
coast.

          3. Removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of
China's
      coast areas and of Manchuria.

          4. Removal of restrictions on the forces of the Republic
of
      China on Formosa with logistical support to contribute to
their
      effective operations against the common enemy.

          For entertaining these views, all professionally designed
to
      support our forces committed to Korea and bring hostilities
to an
      end with the least possible delay and at a saving of
countless
      American and Allied lives, I have been severely criticized in
lay
      circles, principally abroad, despite my understanding that
from a
      military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in
the
      past by practically every military leader concerned with the
      Korean campaign, including our own Joint Chiefs of Staff.

          I called for reinforcements, but was informed that
      reinforcements were not available.  I made clear that if not
      permitted to destroy the buildup bases north of the Yalu; if
not
      permitted to utilize the friendly Chinese force of some
600,000
      men on Formosa; if not permitted to blockade the China coast
to
      prevent the Chinese Reds from getting succor from without;
and if
      there were to be no hope of major reinforcements, the
position of
      the command from the military standpoint forbade victory.  We
      could hold in Korea by constant maneuver and at an
approximate
      area where our supply line advantages were in balance with
the
      supply line disadvantages of the enemy, but we could hope at
best
      for only an indecisive campaign, with its terrible and
constant
      attrition upon our forces if the enemy utilized his full
military
      potential.

          I have constantly called for the new political decisions
      essential to a solution.  Efforts have been made to distort
my
      position.  It has been said, in effect, that I am a
war-monger.
      Nothing could be further from the truth.  I know war as few
other
      men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting. 
I
      have long advocated its complete abolition as its very
      destructiveness on both friend and foe has rendered it
useless as
      a means of settling international disputes.  Indeed, on the
2nd of
      September, 1945, just following the surrender of the Japanese
      nation on the battleship Missouri, I formally cautioned as
follows:

            Men since the beginning of time have sought peace. 
Various
          methods through the ages have been attempted to devise an
          international process to prevent or settle disputes
between
          nations.  From the very start, workable methods were
found
          insofar as individual citizens were concerned, but the
          mechanics of an instrumentality of larger international
scope
          have never been successful.  Military alliances, balances
of
          power, leagues of nations, all in turn failed, leaving
the
          only path to be by way of the crucible of war.  The utter
          destructiveness of war now blots out this alternative. 
We
          have had our last chance.  If we will not devise some
greater
          and more equitable system, Armageddon will be at our
door.
          The problem basically is theological and involves a
spiritual
          recrudescence and improvement of human character that
will
          synchronize with our almost matchless advances in
science,
          art, literature, and all material and cultural
developments of
          the past 2,000 years.  It must be of the spirit if we are
to
          save the flesh.

          But once war is forced upon us, there is no other
alternative
      than to apply every available means to bring it to a swift
end.
      War's very object is victory  not prolonged indecision.  In
war,
      indeed, there can be no substitute for victory.

          There are some who for varying reasons would appease Red
      China.  They are blind to history's clear lesson; for history
      teaches with unmistakable emphasis that appeasement but
begets new
      and bloodier war.  It points to no single instance where the
end
      has justified that means  where appeasement has led to more
than
      a sham peace.  Like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and
      successively greater demands, until, as in blackmail,
violence
      becomes the only other alternative.

          Why, my soldiers asked of me, surrender military
advantages to
      an enemy in the field?  I could not answer.  Some may say to
avoid
      spread of the conflict into an all-out war with China;
others, to
      avoid Soviet intervention.  Neither explanation seems valid. 
For
      China is already engaging with the maximum power it can
commit and
      the Soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our
moves.
      Like a cobra, any new enemy will more likely strike whenever
it
      feels that the relativity in military or other potential is
in its
      favor on a worldwide basis.

          The tragedy of Korea is further heightened by the fact
that as
      military action is confined to its territorial limits, it
condemns
      that nation, which it is our purpose to save, to suffer the
      devastating impact of full naval and air bombardment, while
the
      enemy's sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack and
      devastation.  Of the nations of the world, Korea alone, up to
now,
      is the sole one which has risked its all against communism. 
The
      magnificence of the courage and fortitude of the Korean
people
      defies description.  They have chosen to risk death rather
than
      slavery.  Their last words to me were "Don't scuttle the
Pacific."

          I have just left your fighting sons in Korea.  They have
met
      all tests there and I can report to you without reservation
they
      are splendid in every way.  It was my constant effort to
preserve
      them and end this savage conflict honorably and with the
least
      loss of time and a minimum sacrifice of life.  Its growing
      bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and anxiety. 
Those
      gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my
prayers
      always.

          I am closing my fifty-two years of military service. 
When I
      joined the Army, even before the turn of the century, it was
the
      fulfillment of all my boyish hopes and dreams.  The world has
      turned over many times since I took the oath on the plain at
West
      Point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished. 
But I
      still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack
      ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that 

                            Old soldiers never die;
                             they just fade away.

          And like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my
      military career and just fade away  an old soldier who
tried to
      do his duty as God gave him the light to see that duty.

          Good-by.


                      John F. Kennedy - Inaugural Address

               Delivered at Washington, D.C. - January 20, 1961

      Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President
Nixon,
      President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens:

          We observe today not a victory of party, but a
celebration of
      freedom  symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning 
signifying
      renewal, as well as change.  For I have sworn before you and
      Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed
nearly a
      century and three quarters ago.

         The world is very different now.  For man holds in his
mortal
      hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all
forms
      of human life.  And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for
which
      our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe 
the
      belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of
the
      state, but from the hand of God.

         We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that
first
      revolution.  Let the word go forth from this time and place,
to
      friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new
      generation of Americans  born in this century, tempered by
war,
      disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient
      heritage  and unwilling to witness or permit the slow
undoing of
      those human rights to which this Nation has always been
committed,
      and to which we are committed today at home and around the
world.

          Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill,
that
      we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship,
support
      any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival
and the
      success of liberty.

          This much we pledge  and more.

          To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins
we
      share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.  United,
there is
      little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. 
Divided,
      there is little we can do  for we dare not meet a powerful
      challenge at odds and split asunder.

          To those new States whom we welcome to the ranks of the
free,
      we pledge our words that one form of colonial control shall
not
      have passed away merely to be replaced by a far greater iron
      tyranny.  We shall not always expect to find them supporting
our
      view.  But we shall always hope to find them strongly
supporting
      their own freedom  and to remember that, in the past, those
who
      foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended
up
      inside.

          To those peoples in the huts and villages across the
globe
      struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our
best
      efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is
      required  not because the Communists may be doing it, not
because
      we seek their votes, but because it is right.  If a free
society
      cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who
are
      rich.

          To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a
special
      pledge  to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new
      alliance for progress, to assist free men and free
governments in
      casting off the chains of poverty.  But this peaceful
revolution of
      hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers.  Let all our
      neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose
aggression or
      subversion anywhere in the Americas.  And let every other
power
      know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its
own
      house.

          To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United
Nations,
      our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war
have far
      outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of
support
       to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective
 to
      strengthen its shield of the new and the weak  and to
enlarge the
      area in which its writ may run.

          Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our
      adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request:  that both
sides
      begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of
      destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in
planned or
      accidental self-destruction.

          We dare not tempt them with weakness.  For only when our
arms
      are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt
that
      they will never be employed.

          But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations
take
      comfort from our present course  both sides overburdened by
the
      cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady
spread
      of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain
balance
      of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.

          So let us begin anew  remembering on both sides that
civility
      is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to
      proof.  Let us never negotiate out of fear.  But let us never
fear
      to negotiate.

          Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of
      belaboring those problems which divide us.

          Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and
      precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms 
and
      bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the
      absolute control of all nations.

          Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science
instead of
      its terrors.  Together let us explore the stars, conquer the
      deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and
encourage the
      arts and commerce.

          Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth
the
      command of Isaiah  to "undo the heavy burdens and to let
the
      oppressed go free."

          And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the
jungle of
      suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor,
not a
      new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the
strong are
      just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.

          All this will not be finished in the first 100 days.  Nor
will
      it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of
this
      Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this
planet.
      But let us begin.

          In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine,
will rest
      the final success or failure of our course.  Since this
country was
      founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to
give
      testimony to its national loyalty.  The graves of young
Americans
      who answered the call to service are found around the globe.

          Now the trumpet summons us again  not as a call to bear
arms,
      though arms we need; not as a call to battle, though
embattled we
      are; but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight
struggle,
      year in, and year out, "rejoicing in hope, patient in
tribulation"
       a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny,
poverty,
      disease, and war itself.

          Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global
alliance,
      North and South, East and West, that can assure a more
fruitful
      life for all mankind?  Will you join in that historic effort?

          In the long history of the world, only a few generations
have
      been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of
maximum
      danger.  I do not shrink from this responsibility  I
welcome it.
      I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with
any
      other people or any other generation.  The energy, the faith,
the
      devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our
country and
      all who serve it  and the glow from that fire can truly
light the
      world.

          And so, my fellow Americans:  ask not what your country
can do
      for you  ask what you can do for your country.

          My fellow citizens of the world:  ask not what America
will do
      for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.

          Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens
of the
      world, ask of us the same high standards of strength and
sacrifice
      which we ask of you.  With a good conscience our only sure
reward,
      with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to
lead
      the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but
knowing
      that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.


                   Martin Luther King, Jr. - I Have a Dream

                       Delivered at the Lincoln Memorial
                      Washington, D.C. - August 28, 1963

      Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic
shadow
      we stand, signed the Emancipation Proclamation.  This
momentous
      decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of
Negro
      slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering
injustice.
      It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of
captivity.

          But one hundred years later, we must face the tragic fact
that
      the Negro is still not free.  One hundred years later, the
life of
      the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of
segregation
      and the chains of discrimination.  One hundred years later,
the
      Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a
vast
      ocean of material prosperity.  One hundred years later, the
Negro
      is still languished in the corners of American society and
finds
      himself an exile in his own land.  So we have come here today
to
      dramatize an appalling condition.

          In a sense we have come to our nation's Capital to cash
a
      check.  When the architects of our republic wrote the
magnificent
      words of the Constitution and the Declaration of
Independence,
      they were signing a promissory note to which every American
was to
      fall heir.  This note was a promise that all men would be
      guaranteed the unalienable rights of life, liberty, and the
      pursuit of happiness.

          It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this
      promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are
concerned.
      Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given
the
      Negro people a bad check; a check which has come back marked
      "insufficient funds."  But we refuse to believe that the bank
of
      justice is bankrupt.  We refuse to believe that there are
      insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this
      nation.  So we have come to cash this check  a check that
will
      give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of
      justice.

          We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America
of
      the fierce urgency of now.  This is no time to engage in the
      luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of
      gradualism.  Now is the time to make real the promises of
      democracy.  Now is the time to rise from the dark and
desolate
      valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. 
Now
      is the time to open the doors of opportunity to all of God's
      children.  Now is the time to lift our nation from the
quicksands
      of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.

          It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency
of
      the moment and to underestimate the determination of the
Negro.
      This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent
will
      not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and
      equality.  Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a
beginning.
      Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and
will
      now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation
returns to
      business as usual.  There will be neither rest nor
tranquillity in
      America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. 
The
      whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations
of our
      nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

          But there is something that I must say to my people who
stand
      on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. 
In
      the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be
guilty of
      wrongful deeds.  Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for
freedom
      by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.  We must
      forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and
      discipline.  We must not allow our creative protest to
degenerate
      into physical violence.  Again and again we must rise to the
      majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.

          The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro
      community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people,
for
      many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence
here
      today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up
with our
      destiny and their freedom is inextricably bound to our
freedom.
      We cannot walk alone.

          And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall
march
      ahead.  We cannot turn back.  There are those who are asking
the
      devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?"

          We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the
victim
      of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality.

          We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy
with
      the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of
the
      highways and the hotels of the cities.

          We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro's basic
mobility
      is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one.

          We can never be satisfied as long as a Negro in
Mississippi
      cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing
for
      which to vote.

          No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be
satisfied
      until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like
a
      mighty stream.

          I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of
      great trials and tribulations.  Some of you have come fresh
from
      narrow jail cells.  Some of you have come from areas where
your
      quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of
persecution
      and staggered by the winds of police brutality.  You have
been the
      veterans of creative suffering.  Continue to work with the
faith
      that unearned suffering is redemptive.

          Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to
South
      Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back
to the
      slums and ghettos of our Northern cities, knowing that
somehow
      this situation can and will be changed.  Let us not wallow in
the
      valley of despair.

          I say to you today, my friends, that in spite of the
      difficulties and frustrations of the moment I still have a
dream.
      It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

          I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and
live
      out the true meaning of its creed:  "We hold these truths to
be
      self-evident; that all men are created equal."

          I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia
the
      sons of former slaves and the sons of former slaveowners will
be
      able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

          I have a dream that one day even the state of
Mississippi, a
      desert state sweltering with the heat of injustice and
oppression,
      will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

          I have a dream that my four little children will one day
live
      in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of
their
      skin but by the content of their character.

          I have a dream today.

          I have a dream that one day the state of Alabama, whose
      governor's lips are presently dripping with the words of
      interposition and nullification, will be transformed into a
      situation where little black boys and black girls will be
able to
      join hands with little white boys and white girls and walk
      together as sisters and brothers.

          I have a dream today.

          I have a dream that one day every valley shall be
exalted,
      every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places
will
      be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight,
and
      the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall
see
      it together.

          This is our hope.  This is the faith with which I return
to
      the South.  With this faith we will be able to hew out of the
      mountain of despair a stone of hope.  With this faith we will
be
      able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a
      beautiful symphony of brotherhood.

          With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray
      together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to
stand
      up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one
day.

          This will be the day when all of God's children will be
able
      to sing with new meaning, "My country 'tis of thee, sweet
land of
      liberty, of thee I sing.  Land where my fathers died, land of
the
      Pilgrims' pride, from every mountainside, let freedom ring."

          And if America is to be a great nation, this must become
true.
      So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New
Hampshire.
      Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.  Let
      freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of
Pennsylvania!

          Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado! 
Let
      freedom ring from the curvaceous peaks of California!  But
not
      only that; let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia! 
Let
      freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee!

          Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of
Mississippi.
      From every mountainside, let freedom ring.

          When we let freedom ring, when we let it ring from every
      village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we
will
      be able to speed up that day when all of God's children,
black men
      and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics,
will
      be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro
      spiritual, "Free at last!  Free at last!  Thank God Almighty,
we
      are free at last!"


                          United States Constitution


                                   Preamble
  
Article

      I.  Legislative Department: organization, powers, and
restraints.
     II.  Executive Department: powers, restraints, duties, and
election
              of the president.
    III.  Judicial Department: powers, restraints.  Definition of
treason.
     IV.  Relation of States to each other and to Federal
Government.
             Government of territories.
      V.  Method of Amending Constitution.  Guarantee of equal
             representation of States in the United States Senate.
     VI.  Provision for national debts.  Supremacy of the
Constitution,
             Federal laws, and treaties.  Pledge of national and
state
             officials to uphold the Constitution.  No religious
test
             required as qualification for public office.
    VII.  Method for ratification of the Constitution.
  


                                  Signatures
                        Amendments to the Constitution





                          UNITED STATES CONSTITUTION
                                   Preamble

          WE THE PEOPLE of the United States, in Order to form a
more
      perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic
Tranquility,
      provide for the common defence, promote the general Welfare,
and
      secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our
Posterity, do
      ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States
of
      America.


                          UNITED STATES CONSTITUTION
                                   Article I

      Section. 1.  All legislative Powers herein granted shall be
vested
      in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a
Senate
      and House of Representatives.

      Section. 2.  The House of Representatives shall be composed
of
      Members chosen every second Year by the People of the several
      States, and the Electors in each State shall have the
      Qualifications requisite for Electors of the most numerous
Branch
      of the State Legislature.

          No person shall be a Representative who shall not have
attained
      to the Age of twenty five years, and been seven Years a
Citizen of
      the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an
      Inhabitant of that State in which he shall be chosen.

          Representatives and direct Taxes shall be apportioned
among the
      several States which may be included within this Union,
according
      to their respective Numbers, which shall be determined by
adding to
      the whole Number of free Persons, including those bound to
Service
      for a Term of Years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three
fifths
      of all other Persons.<1>  The actual Enumeration shall be
made
      within three Years after the first Meeting of the Congress of
the
      United States, and within every subsequent Term of ten Years
in
      such Manner as they shall be Law direct.  The Number of
      Representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty
Thousand, but
      each State shall have at Least one Representative; and until
such
      enumeration shall be made, the State of New Hampshire shall
be
      entitled to chuse three, Massachusetts eight, Rhode Island
and
      Providence Plantations one, Connecticut five, New-York six,
New
      Jersey four, Pennsylvania eight, Delaware one, Maryland six,
      Virginia ten, North Carolina five, South Carolina five, and
Georgia
      three.

          When vacancies happen in the Representation from any
State, the
      Executive Authority thereof shall issue Writs of Election to
fill
      such Vacancies.

          The House of Representatives shall chuse their Speaker
and
      other Officers; and shall have the sole Power of Impeachment.

      Section. 3.  The Senate of the United States shall be
composed of
      two Senators from each State, chosen by the Legislature
thereof,<2>
      for six Years; and each Senator shall have one Vote.

          Immediately after they shall be assembled in Consequence
of the
      first Election, they shall be divided as equally as may be
into
      three Classes.  The Seats of the Senators of the first Class
shall
      be vacated at the Expiration of the second year, of the
second
      Class at the Expiration of the fourth Year, and of the third
Class
      at the Expiration of the sixth Year, so that one third may be
      chosen every second Year; and if Vacancies happen by
Resignation,
      or otherwise, during the Recess of the Legislature of any
State,
      the Executive thereof may make temporary Appointments until
the
      next Meeting of the Legislature, which shall then fill such
      Vacancies.<3>

          No Person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained
to the
      Age of thirty Years, and been nine Years a Citizen of the
United
      States, who shall not, when elected, be an Inhabitant of that
State
      for which he shall be chosen.

          The Vice President of the United States shall be
President of
      the Senate, but shall have no Vote, unless they be equally
divided.

          The Senate shall chuse their other Officers, and also a
      President pro tempore, in the absence of the Vice President,
or
      when he shall exercise the Office of President of the United
      States.

          The Senate shall have the sole Power to try all
Impeachments.
      When sitting for that Purpose, they shall be on Oath or
      Affirmation.  When the President of the United States is
tried, the
      Chief Justice shall preside: And no person shall be convicted
      without the concurrence of two thirds of the Members present.

          Judgment in Cases of Impeachment shall not extend further
than
      to removal from Office and disqualification to hold and enjoy
any
      Office of honor, Trust or Profit under the United States: but
the
      party convicted shall nevertheless be liable and subject to
      Indictment, Trial, Judgment and Punishment, according to Law.

      Section. 4.  The Times, Places and Manner of holding
Elections for
      Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each
State by
      the Legislature thereof: but the Congress may at any time by
Law
      make or alter such Regulations, except as to the places of
chusing
      Senators.

          The Congress shall assemble at least once in every Year,
and
      such Meeting shall be on the first Monday in December,<4>
unless
      they shall by Law appoint a different Day.

      Section. 5.  Each House shall be the Judge of the Elections,
      Returns and Qualifications of its own Members, and a Majority
of
      each shall constitute a Quorum to do Business; but a smaller
Number
      may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized to compel
the
      Attendance of absent Members, in such Manner, and under such
      Penalties as each House may provide.

          Each House may determine the Rules of its Proceedings,
punish
      its Members for disorderly Behaviour, and with the
Concurrence of
      two thirds, expel a Member.

          Each House shall keep a Journal of its Proceedings, and
from
      time to time publish the same, excepting such Parts as may in
their
      Judgment require Secrecy; and the Yeas and Nays of the
Members
      either House on any question shall, at the Desire of one
fifth of
      those Present be entered on the Journal.

          Neither House, during the Session of Congress shall,
without
      the Consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days,
nor to
      any other Place than that in which the two Houses shall be
sitting.

      Section. 6.  The Senators and Representatives shall receive
a
      Compensation for their Services, to be ascertained by Law,
and paid
      out of the Treasury of the United States.  They shall in all
Cases,
      except Treason, Felony and Breach of the Peace, be privileged
from
      Arrest during their Attendance at the Session of their
respective
      Houses, and in going to and returning from the same; and for
any
      Speech or Debate in either House, they shall not be
questioned in
      any other Place.

          No Senator or Representative shall, during the Time for
which
      he was elected, be appointed to any civil Office under the
      Authority of the United States, which shall have been
created, or
      the Emoluments whereof shall have been increased during such
time;
      and no Person holding any Office under the United States,
shall be
      a member of either House during his Continuance in Office.

      Section. 7.  All Bills for raising Revenue shall originate in
the
      House of Representatives; but the Senate may propose or
concur with
      Amendments as on other Bills.

          Every Bill which shall have passed the House of
Representatives
      and the Senate, shall, before it become a Law, be presented
to the
      President of the United States; If he approve he shall sign
it, but
      if not he shall return it, with his Objections to that House
in
      which it shall have originated, who shall enter the
Objections at
      large on their Journal, and proceed to reconsider it.  If
after
      such Reconsideration two thirds of that House shall agree to
pass
      the Bill, it shall be sent, together with the Objections, to
the
      other House, by which is shall likewise be reconsidered, and
if
      approved by two thirds of that House, it shall become a law. 
But
      in all such Cases the Votes of both Houses shall be
determined by
      yeas and Nays, and the Names of the Persons voting for and
against
      the Bill shall be entered on the Journal of each House
      respectively.  If any Bill shall not be returned by the
President
      within ten Days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been
      presented to him, the same shall be a Law, in like manner as
if he
      had signed it, unless the Congress by their Adjournment
prevent its
      return, in which case it shall not be a Law.

          Every Order, Resolution, or Vote to which the Concurrence
of
      the Senate and House of Representative may be necessary
(except on
      a question of adjournment) shall be presented to the
President of
      the United States; and before the Same shall take Effect,
shall be
      approved by him, or being disapproved by him, shall be
repassed by
      two thirds of the Senate and House of Representatives,
according to
      the Rules and Limitations prescribed in the Case of a Bill.

      Section. 8.  The Congress shall have Power To lay and collect
      Taxes, Duties, Imposts and Excises, to pay the Debts and
provide
      for the common Defence and general Welfare of the United
States;
      but all Duties, Imposts and Excises shall be uniform
throughout the
      United States;

          To borrow Money on the credit of the United States;

          To regulate Commerce with foreign Nations, and among the
      several States, and with the Indian Tribes;

          To establish an uniform Rule of Naturalization, and
uniform
      Laws on the subject of Bankruptcies throughout the United
States;

          To coin Money, regulate the Value thereof, and of foreign
Coin,
      and fix the standard of Weights and Measures;

          To provide for the Punishment of counterfeiting the
Securities
      and current Coin of the United States;

          To establish Post Offices and post Roads;

          To promote the Progress of Science and useful Arts, by
securing
      for limited Times to Authors and Inventors the exclusive
Right to
      their respective Writings and Discoveries;

          To constitute Tribunals inferior to the supreme Court;

          To define and punish Piracies and Felonies committed on
the
      high Seas, and Offences against the Law of Nations;

          To declare War, grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal, and
make
      Rules concerning Captures on Land and Water;

          To raise and support Armies, but no appropriation of
Money to
      that use shall be for a longer Term than two Years;

          To provide and maintain a Navy;

          To make rules for the Government and Regulation of the
land and
      naval Forces;

          To provide for calling forth the Militia to execute the
Laws of
      the Union, suppress Insurrections and repel Invasions;

          To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining, the
      Militia, and for governing such Part of them as may be
employed in
      the Service of the United States, reserving to the States
      respectively, the Appointment of the Officers, and the
Authority of
      training the Militia according to the discipline prescribed
by
      Congress;

          To exercise exclusive Legislation in all Cases
whatsoever, over
      such District (not exceeding ten Miles square) as may, by
Cession
      of particular States, and the Acceptance of Congress, become
the
      Seat of the Government of the United States, and to exercise
like
      Authority over all Places purchased by the Consent of the
      Legislature of the States in which the Same shall be, for the
      Erection of Forts, Magazines, Arsenals, dock-Yards, and other
      needful Buildings; And

          To make all Laws which shall be necessary and proper for
      carrying into Execution the foregoing Powers, and all other
Powers
      vested by the Constitution in the Government of the United
States,
      or in any Department or Officer thereof.

      Section. 9.  The Migration or Importation of such Persons as
any of
      the States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall
not be
      prohibited by the Congress prior to the Year one thousand
eight
      hundred and eight, but a Tax or duty may be imposed on such
      Importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each Person.

          The Privilege of the Writ of Habeas Corpus shall not be
      suspended, unless when in Cases of Rebellion or Invasion the
public
      Safety require it.

          No Bill of Attainder or ex post facto Law shall be
passed.

          No Capitation, or other direct Tax, shall be laid, unless
in
      Proportion to the Census or Enumeration herein before
directed to
      be taken.<5>

          No Tax or Duty shall be laid on Articles exported from
any
      State.

          No Preference shall be given by any Regulation of
Commerce or
      Revenue to the Ports of one State over those of another: nor
shall
      Vessels bound to, or from, one State, be obliged to enter,
clear,
      or pay Duties in another.

          No money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in
Consequence
      of Appropriations made by Law; and a regular Statement and
Account
      of the Receipts and Expenditures of all public Money shall be
      published from time to time.

          No Title of Nobility shall be granted by the United
States: And
      no Person holding any Office of Profit or Trust under them,
shall,
      without the Consent of the Congress, accept of any present,
      Emolument, Office, or Title, of any kind whatever, from any
King,
      Prince, or foreign State.

      Section. 10.  No State shall enter into any Treaty, Alliance,
or
      Confederation; grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal; coin
Money;
      emit Bills of Credit; make any Thing but gold and silver Coin
a
      Tender in Payment of Debts; pass any Bill of Attainder, ex
post
      facto Law, or Law impairing the Obligation of Contracts, or
grant
      any Title of Nobility.

          No State shall, without the Consent of the Congress, lay
any
      Imposts or Duties on Imports or Exports, except what may be
      absolutely necessary for executing its inspection Laws; and
the net
      Produce of all Duties and Imposts, laid by any State on
Imports or
      Exports, shall be for the Use of the Treasury of the United
States;
      all such Laws shall be subject to the Revision and Control of
the
      Congress.

          No State shall, without the Consent of Congress, lay any
Duty
      of Tonnage, keep Troops, or Ships of War in time of Peace,
enter
      into any Agreement or Compact with another State, or with a
foreign
      Power, or engage in War, unless actually invaded, or in such
      imminent Danger as will not admit of delay.


                          UNITED STATES CONSTITUTION
                                  Article II

      Section. 1.  The executive Power shall be vested in a
President of
      the United States of America.  He shall hold his Office
during the
      Term of four Years, and, together with the Vice President,
chosen
      for the same Term, be elected as follows.

          Each State shall appoint, in such Manner as the
Legislature
      thereof may direct, a Number of Electors, equal to the whole
Number
      of Senators and Representatives to which the State may be
entitled
      in the Congress:  but no Senator or Representative, or Person
      holding an Office of Trust or Profit under the United States,
shall
      be appointed an Elector.

          The Electors shall meet in their respective States, and
vote by
      Ballot for two Persons, of whom one at least shall not be an
      Inhabitant of the same State with themselves.  And they shall
make
      a List of all the Persons voted for, and of the Number of
Votes for
      each; which List they shall sign and certify, and transmit
sealed
      to the seat of the Government of the United States, directed
to the
      President of the Senate.  The President of the Senate shall,
in the
      presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all
the
      Certificates, and the Votes shall then be counted.  The
Person
      having the greatest Number of Votes shall be the President,
if such
      Number be a Majority of the whole Number of Electors
appointed; and
      if there be more than one who have such Majority, and have an
equal
      Number of Votes, then the House of Representatives shall
      immediately chuse by Ballot one of them for president; and if
no
      Person have a Majority, then from the five highest on the
List the
      said House shall in like Manner chuse the President.  But in
      chusing the President, the Votes shall be taken by States,
the
      Representation from each State having one vote; A quorum for
this
      Purpose shall consist of a Member or Members from two thirds
of the
      States, and a Majority of all the States shall be necessary
to a
      Choice.  In every Case, after the Choice of the President,
the
      Person having the greatest Number of Votes of the Electors
shall be
      the Vice President.  But if there should remain two or more
who
      have equal Votes, the Senate shall chuse from them by ballot
the
      Vice President.<1>

          The Congress may determine the Time of the chusing the
      Electors, and the Day on which they shall give their Votes;
which
      Day shall be the same throughout the United States.

          No Person except a natural born Citizen, or a Citizen of
the
      United States, at the time of the Adoption of this
Constitution,
      shall be eligible to the Office of President; neither shall
any
      Person be eligible to that Office who shall not have attained
to
      the Age of thirty five Years, and been fourteen Years a
Resident
      within the United States.

          In Case of the Removal of the President from Office, or
his
      Death, Resignation, or Inability to discharge the Powers and
Duties
      of the said Office,<2> the Same shall devolve on the Vice
      President, and the Congress may by Law provide for the Case
of
      Removal, Death, Resignation or Inability, both of the
President and
      Vice President, declaring what Officer shall then act as
President,
      and such Officer shall act accordingly, until the Disability
be
      removed, or a President shall be elected.

          The President shall, at stated Times, receive for his
Services,
      a Compensation, which shall neither be encreased nor
diminished
      during the Period for which he shall have been elected, and
he
      shall not receive within that Period any other Emolument from
the
      United States, or any of them.

          Before he enter on the Execution of his Office, he shall
take
      the following oath or affirmation: "I do solemnly swear (or
      affirm) that I will faithfully execute the Office of
President of
      the United States, and will to the best of my Ability,
preserve,
      protect and defend the Constitution of the United States."

      Section. 2.  The President shall be Commander in Chief of the
Army
      and Navy of the United States, and of the Militia of the
several
      States, when called into the actual Service of the United
States;
      he may require the Opinion, in writing of the principal
Officer in
      each of the executive Departments, upon any Subject relating
to the
      Duties of their respective Offices, and he shall have Power
to
      grant Reprieves and Pardons for Offences against the United
States,
      except in Cases of Impeachment.

          He shall have Power, by and with the Advice and Consent
of the
      Senate, to make Treaties, provided two thirds of the Senators
      present concur; and he shall nominate, and by and with the
Advice
      and Consent of the Senate, shall appoint Ambassadors, other
public
      Ministers and Consuls, Judges of the supreme Court, and all
other
      Officers of the United States, whose Appointments are not
herein
      otherwise provided for, and which shall be established by
Law.  But
      the Congress may by Law vest the Appointment of such inferior
      Officers, as they think proper, in the President alone, in
the
      Courts of Law, or in the Heads of Departments.

          The President shall have Power to fill up all Vacancies
that
      may happen during the Recess of the Senate, by granting
Commissions
      which shall expire at the End of their Session.

      Section. 3.  He shall from time to time give to the Congress
      Information of the State of the Union, and recommend to their
      Consideration such Measures as he shall judge necessary and
      expedient; he may, on extraordinary Occasions, convene both
Houses,
      or either of them, and in Case of Disagreement between them,
with
      Respect to the Time of Adjournment, he may adjourn them to
such
      Time as he shall think proper; he shall receive Ambassadors
and
      other public Ministers; he shall take Care that the Laws be
      faithfully executed, and shall Commission all the Officers of
the
      United States.

      Section. 4.  The President, Vice President and all civil
Officers
      of the United States, shall be removed from Office on
Impeachment
      for, and Conviction of, Treason, Bribery, or other high
Crimes and
      Misdemeanors.


                          UNITED STATES CONSTITUTION
                                  Article III

      Section. 1.  The judicial Power of the United States, shall
be
      vested in one supreme Court, and in such inferior Courts as
the
      Congress may from time to time ordain and establish.  The
Judges,
      both of the supreme and inferior Courts, shall hold their
Offices
      during good Behaviour, and shall, at stated Times, receive
for
      their Services, a Compensation, which shall not be diminished
      during their Continuance in Office.

      Section. 2.  The judicial Power shall extend to all Cases, in
Law
      and Equity, arising under this Constitution, the Laws of the
United
      States, and Treaties made, or which shall be made, under
their
      Authority;  to all Cases affecting Ambassadors, other
public
      Ministers, and Consuls;  to all Cases of admiralty and
maritime
      Jurisdiction;  to Controversies to which the United States
shall
      be a Party;  to Controversies between two or more States;

      between a State and Citizens of another State;<1>  between
      Citizens of different States,  between Citizens of the same
State
      claiming Lands under Grants of different States, and between
a
      State or the Citizens thereof, and foreign States, Citizens,
or
      Subjects.

          In all cases affecting Ambassadors, other public
Ministers and
      Consuls, and those in which a State shall be a Party, the
supreme
      Court shall have original Jurisdiction.  In all the other
Cases
      before mentioned, the supreme Court shall have appellate
      Jurisdiction, both as to Law and Fact, with such Exceptions
and
      under such Regulations as the Congress shall make.

          The Trial of all Crimes, except in Cases of Impeachment,
shall
      be by Jury; and such Trial shall be held in the State where
the
      said Crimes shall have been committed; but when not committed
      within any State, the Trial shall be at such Place or Places
as the
      Congress may by Law have directed.

      Section. 3.  Treason against the United States, shall consist
only
      in levying War against them, or in adhering to their Enemies,
      giving them Aid and Comfort.  No Person shall be convicted of
      Treason unless on the Testimony of two Witnesses to the same
overt
      Act, or on Confession in open Court.

          The Congress shall have Power to declare the Punishment
of
      Treason, but no Attainder of Treason shall work Corruption of
      Blood, or Forfeiture except during the Life of the Person
attained.


                          UNITED STATES CONSTITUTION
                                  Article IV

      Section. 1.  Full Faith and Credit shall be given in each
State to
      the public Acts, Records, and judicial Proceedings of every
other
      State.  And the Congress may, by general Laws, prescribe the
Manner
      in which such Acts, Records, and Proceedings shall be proved,
and
      the Effect thereof.

      Section. 2.  The Citizens of each State shall be entitled to
all
      Privileges and Immunities of Citizens in the several States.

          A Person charged in any State with Treason, Felony, or
other
      Crime, who shall flee from Justice, and be found in another
State,
      shall, on demand of the executive Authority of the State from
which
      he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the State having
      Jurisdiction of the Crime.

          No Person held to Service or Labour in one State, under
the
      Laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in Consequence of
any
      Law or Regulation therein, be discharged from such Service or
      Labour, but shall be delivered up on Claim of the Party to
whom
      such Service or Labour may be due.<1>

      Section. 3.  New States may be admitted by the Congress into
this
      Union; but no new State shall be formed or erected within the
      Jurisdiction of any other State, nor any State be formed by
the
      Junction of two or more States, or parts of States, without
the
      consent of the Legislatures of the States concerned as well
as of
      the Congress.

          The Congress shall have power to dispose of and make all
      needful Rules and Regulations respecting the Territory or
other
      Property belonging to the United States; and nothing in this
      Constitution shall be so construed as to Prejudice any Claims
of
      the United States, or of any particular State.

      Section. 4.  The United States shall guarantee to every State
in
      this Union a Republican form of Government, and shall protect
each
      of them against Invasion; and on Application of the
Legislature, or
      of the Executive (when the Legislature cannot be convened),
against
      domestic Violence.


                          UNITED STATES CONSTITUTION
                                   Article V

          The Congress, whenever two thirds of both Houses shall
deem it
      necessary, shall propose Amendments to this Constitution, or,
on
      the Application of the Legislatures of two thirds of the
several
      States, shall call a Convention for proposing Amendments,
which, in
      either case, shall be valid, to all Intents and Purposes, as
part
      of this Constitution, when ratified by the Legislatures of
three
      fourths of the several States, or by Conventions in three
fourths
      thereof, as the one or the other Mode of Ratification may be
      proposed by the Congress; Provided that no Amendment which
may be
      made prior to the Year one thousand eight hundred and eight
shall
      in any Manner affect the first and fourth Clauses in the
Ninth
      Section of the first Article and that no State, without its
      Consent, shall be deprived of its equal Suffrage in the
Senate.


                          UNITED STATES CONSTITUTION
                                  Article VI

          All Debts contracted and Engagements entered into, before
the
      Adoption of this Constitution, shall be as valid against the
United
      States under this Constitution, as under the Confederation.

          This Constitution, and the Laws of the United States
which
      shall be made in Pursuance thereof, and all Treaties made, or
which
      shall be made, under the Authority of the United States,
shall be
      the supreme Law of the Land; and the Judges in every State
shall be
      bound thereby, any Thing in the Constitution or Laws of any
State
      to the Contrary notwithstanding.

          The Senators and Representatives before mentioned, and
the
      Members of the several State Legislatures, and all executive
and
      judicial Officers, both of the United States and of the
several
      States, shall be bound, by Oath or Affirmation, to support
this
      Constitution; but no religious Test shall ever be required as
a
      Qualification to any Office or public Trust under the United
      States.


                          UNITED STATES CONSTITUTION
                                  Article VII

          The Ratification of the Conventions of nine States, shall
be
      sufficient for the Establishment of this Constitution between
the
      States so ratifying the same.

     

       The Constitution was adopted by a convention of the States
on
      September 17, 1787, and was ratified by the several States on
the
      following dates: Delaware, December 7, 1787; Pennsylvania,
December
      12, 1787; New Jersey, December 18, 1787; Georgia, January 2,
1788;
      Connecticut, January 9, 1788; Massachusetts, February 6,
1788;
      Maryland, April 28, 1788; South Carolina, May 23, 1788; and
New
      Hampshire, June 21, 1788.

       Ratification was completed on June 21, 1788.

       The Constitution was subsequently ratified by Virginia,
New York,
      North Carolina, Rhode Island, and Vermont.


                          UNITED STATES CONSTITUTION
                                  Signatures

      Done in Convention, by the Unanimous Consent of the States
present,
      the Seventeenth Day of September in the Year of our Lord one
      thousand seven hundred and Eighty seven and of the
Independence of
      the United States of America the twelfth.  In witness whereof
We
      have hereunto subscribed our Names,

                                       Go. WASHINGTON
                                       Presidt. and deputy from
Virginia
      Attest WILLIAM JACKSON Secretary

                                New Hampshire.
      John Langdon                     Nicholas Gilman

                                Massachusetts.
      Nathaniel Gorham                 Rufus King

                                 Connecticut.
      Wm. Saml. Johnson                Roger Sherman

                                   New York.
      Alexander Hamilton

                                  New Jersey.
      Wil. Livingston                  William Paterson
      David Brearley                   Jona. Dayton

                                 Pennsylvania.
      B. Franklin                      Thomas Mifflin
      Robt. Morris                     Geo. Clymer
      Thos. FitzSimons                 Jared Ingersoll
      James Wilson                     Gouv. Morris

                                   Delaware.
      Geo. Read                        Gunning Bedford jun
      John Dickinson                   Richard Bassett
      Jacob Broom

                                   Maryland.
      James McHenry                    Dan of St. Thos. Jennifer
      Daniel Carroll

                                   Virginia.
      John Blair                       James Madison Jr.

                                North Carolina.
      Wm. Blount                       Rich'd Dobbs Spaight
      Hu. Williamson

                                South Carolina.
      J. Rutledge                      Charles Cotesworth Pinckney
      Charles Pinckney                 Pierce Butler

                                   Georgia.
      William Few                      Abr. Baldwin

     

      Debates in the Federal Convention of 1787 as Reported by
James
      Madison gives the following account of the signing of the
      Constitution:

          "The members then proceeded to sign the instrument.

          "Whilst the last members were signing it Doctr. Franklin
      looking towards the Presidents Chair, at the back of which a
rising
      sun happened to be painted, observed to a few members near
him,
      that Painters had found it difficult to distinguish in their
art a
      rising from a setting sun.  I have said he, often and often
in the
      course of the Session, and the vicisitudes of my hopes and
fears as
      to its issue, looked at that behind the President without
being
      able to tell whether it was rising or setting: But now at
length I
      have the happiness to know that it is a rising and not a
setting
      Sun."


                          UNITED STATES CONSTITUTION
                        Amendments to the Constitution

    The Bill of Rights

     1.  Freedom of religion, speech, the press, and assembly.    
         
     2.  Right to keep and bear arms.                             
         
     3.  Quartering of soldiers in private homes.                 
         
     4.  Limitation on searches and seizures.                     
         
     5.  Protection of personal and property rights.              
         
     6.  Right to speedy, public, and fair trial.                 
         
     7.  Trial by jury in civil cases.                            
         
     8.  Excessive bail and cruel punishments prohibited.         
         
     9.  People possess other rights besides those enumerated.    
         
    10.  Undelegated powers belong to the States or to the people. 
        
    Other Amendments

    11.  Exemption of States from suit by citizens of other States. 
       
    12.  Election of President.                                   
         
    13.  Slavery prohibited.                                      
         
    14.  Definition of citizenship.  Guarantees of due proces of
law and    
            equal protection of the laws against infringement by
States.    
            Constitutional adjustment to post-Civil War conditions. 
       
    15.  Right of adult male citizens to vote.                    
         
    16.  Congress empowered to impose income tax.                 
         


    17.  Popular election of Senators.                            
         
    18.  Prohibition of intoxicating liquors for beverage purposes. 
       
    19.  Right of women to vote.                                  
         
    20.  Change in congressional and presidential terms.  Abolition
of lame 
           duck session of Congress.                              
         
    21.  Repeal of 18th Amendment.                                
         
    22.  Limitation of President's terms in office.               
         
    23.  Presidential vote for District of Columbia.              
         
    24.  Poll tax prohibited in election of national officers.    
         
    25.  Vice President to become Acting President when President
unable to 
            perform his duties.                                   
         
    26.  Right of persons 18 or older to vote.                    
         


                          UNITED STATES CONSTITUTION
                                 1st Amendment

                                  Article [I]

          Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of
      religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or
abridging
      the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the
people
      peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a
redress
      of grievances.

     

       The first ten amendments to the Constitution, and two
others that
      failed of ratification, were proposed by the Congress on
September
      25, 1789.  Ratification was completed on December 15, 1791.


                          UNITED STATES CONSTITUTION
                                 2nd Amendment

                                 Article [II]

          A well regulated Militia being necessary to the security
of a
      free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms
shall not
      be infringed.

     

       The first ten amendments to the Constitution, and two
others that
      failed of ratification, were proposed by the Congress on
September
      25, 1789.  Ratification was completed on December 15, 1791.


                          UNITED STATES CONSTITUTION
                                 3rd Amendment

                                 Article [III]

          No Soldier shall, in time of peace, be quartered in any
house,
      without the consent of the Owner; nor in time of war, but in
a
      manner to be prescribed by law.

     

       The first ten amendments to the Constitution, and two
others that
      failed of ratification, were proposed by the Congress on
September
      25, 1789.  Ratification was completed on December 15, 1791.



                          UNITED STATES CONSTITUTION
                                 4th Amendment

                                 Article [IV]

          The right of the people to be secure in their persons,
houses,
      papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and
seizures,
      shall not be violated; and no Warrants shall issue, but upon
      probable cause, supported by Oath or affirmation, and
particularly
      describing the place to be searched, and the persons or
things to
      be seized.

     

       The first ten amendments to the Constitution, and two
others that
      failed of ratification, were proposed by the Congress on
September
      25, 1789.  Ratification was completed on December 15, 1791.


                          UNITED STATES CONSTITUTION
                                 5th Amendment

                                  Article [V]

          No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or
otherwise
      infamous, crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a
Grand
      Jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or
in
      the Militia, when in actual service in time of War or public
      danger; nor shall any person be subject, for the same offence
to be
      twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled
in
      any criminal case to be a witness against himself, nor be
deprived
      of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law;
nor
      shall private property be taken for public use, without just
      compensation.

     

       The first ten amendments to the Constitution, and two
others that
      failed of ratification, were proposed by the Congress on
September
      25, 1789.  Ratification was completed on December 15, 1791.


                          UNITED STATES CONSTITUTION
                                 6th Amendment

                                 Article [VI]

          In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the
right
      to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the
State and
      district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which
      district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and
to be
      informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be
      confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory
      process for obtaining Witnesses in his favor, and to have the
      assistance of counsel for his defence.

     

       The first ten amendments to the Constitution, and two
others that
      failed of ratification, were proposed by the Congress on
September
      25, 1789.  Ratification was completed on December 15, 1791.


                          UNITED STATES CONSTITUTION
                                 7th Amendment

                                 Article [VII]

          In Suits at common law, where the value in controversy
shall
      exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be
      preserved, and no fact tried by a jury, shall be otherwise
      reexamined in any Court of the United States, than according
to the
      rules of the common law.

     

       The first ten amendments to the Constitution, and two
others that
      failed of ratification, were proposed by the Congress on
September
      25, 1789.  Ratification was completed on December 15, 1791.


                          UNITED STATES CONSTITUTION
                                 8th Amendment

                                Article [VIII]

          Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines
      imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishment inflicted.

     

       The first ten amendments to the Constitution, and two
others that
      failed of ratification, were proposed by the Congress on
September
      25, 1789.  Ratification was completed on December 15, 1791.


                          UNITED STATES CONSTITUTION
                                 9th Amendment

                                 Article [IX]

          The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights,
shall
      not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the
      people.

     

       The first ten amendments to the Constitution, and two
others that
      failed of ratification, were proposed by the Congress on
September
      25, 1789.  Ratification was completed on December 15, 1791.


                          UNITED STATES CONSTITUTION
                                10th Amendment

                                  Article [X]

          The powers not delegated to the United States by the
      Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are
reserved to
      the States respectively, or to the people.

     

       The first ten amendments to the Constitution, and two
others that
      failed of ratification, were proposed by the Congress on
September
      25, 1789.  Ratification was completed on December 15, 1791.


                          UNITED STATES CONSTITUTION
                                11th Amendment

                                 Article [XI]

          The Judicial power of the United States shall not be
construed
      to extend to any suit in law or equity, commenced or
prosecuted
      against one of the United States by Citizens of another
State, or
      by Citizens or Subjects of any Foreign State.

     

       The 11th Amendment to the Constitution was proposed by the
      Congress on March 4, 1794.  Ratification was completed on
February
      7, 1795.


                          UNITED STATES CONSTITUTION
                                12th Amendment

                                 Article [XII]

          The electors shall meet in their respective States, and
vote by
      ballot for President and Vice-President, one of whom, at
least,
      shall not be an inhabitant of the same state with themselves;
they
      shall name in their ballots the person voted for as
President, and
      in distinct ballots the person voted for as Vice-President;
and
      they shall make distinct lists of all persons voted for as
      President, and of all persons voted for as Vice-President,
and of
      the number of votes for each, which lists they shall sign and
      certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of the government of
the
      United States, directed to the President of the Senate; 
The
      President of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate
and
      the House of Representatives, open all the certificates and
the
      votes shall then be counted;  The person having the
greatest
      number of votes for President, shall be the President, if
such
      number be a majority of the whole number of Electors
appointed; and
      if no person have such a majority, then from the persons
having the
      highest numbers not exceeding three on the list of those
voted for
      as President, the House of Representatives shall choose
      immediately, by ballot, the President.  But in choosing the
      President, the votes shall be taken by states, the
representation
      from each State having one vote; a quorum for this purpose
shall
      consist of a member or members from two-thirds of the states,
and a
      majority of all the States shall be necessary to a choice. 
And if
      the House of Representatives shall not choose a President,
whenever
      the right of choice shall devolve upon them, before the
fourth day
      of March next following, the Vice-President shall act as
President,
      as in case of death or other constitutional disability of the
      President.<1>  The person having the greatest number of votes
as
      Vice-President, shall be the Vice-President, if such number
be a
      majority of the whole number of Electors appointed, and if no
      person have a majority, then from the two highest numbers on
the
      list, the Senate shall choose the Vice-President; a quorum
for the
      purpose shall consist of two-thirds of the whole number of
      Senators; a majority of the whole number shall be necessary
to a
      choice.  But no person constitutionally ineligible to the
office of
      President shall be eligible to that of Vice-President of the
United
      States.
     

       The 12th Amendment to the Constitution was proposed by the
      Congress on December 9, 1803.  Ratification was completed on
June
      15, 1804.


                          UNITED STATES CONSTITUTION
                                13th Amendment

                                 Article XIII

          Section 1.  Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude,
except
      as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been
duly
      convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place
      subject to their jurisdiction.

          Section 2.  Congress shall have power to enforce this
article
      by appropriate legislation.

     

       The 13th Amendment to the Constitution was proposed by the
      Congress on January 31, 1865.  Ratification was completed on
      December 6, 1865.


                          UNITED STATES CONSTITUTION
                                14th Amendment

                                  Article XIV

          Section 1.  All persons born or naturalized in the United
      States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens
of
      the United States and of the State wherein they reside.  No
State
      shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the
privileges or
      immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any
State
      deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due
      process of law; nor deny any person within its jurisdiction
the
      equal protection of the laws.

          Section 2.  Representatives shall be apportioned among
the
      several States according to their respective numbers,
counting the
      whole number of persons in each State, excluding Indians not
taxed.
      But when the right to vote at any election for the choice of
      electors for President and Vice President of the United
States,
      Representatives in Congress, the Executive and Judicial
officers of
      a State, or the members of the Legislature thereof, is denied
to
      any of the male inhabitants of such State, being twenty-one
years
      of age, and citizens of the United States, or in any way
abridged,
      except for participation in rebellion, or other crime, the
basis of
      representation therein shall be reduced in the proportion
which the
      number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole number
of male
      citizens twenty-one years of age in such State.

          Section 3.  No person shall be a Senator or
Representative in
      Congress, or elector of President and Vice President, or hold
any
      office, civil or military, under the United States, or under
any
      State, who, having previously taken an oath, as a member of
      Congress, or as an officer of the United States, or as a
member of
      any State legislature, or as an executive or judicial officer
of
      any State, to support the Constitution of the United States,
shall
      have engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the same,
or
      given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof.  But Congress
may, by
      a vote of two-thirds of each House, remove such disability.

          Section 4.  The validity of the public debt of the United
      States, authorized by law, including debts incurred for
payment of
      pensions and bounties for services in suppressing
insurrection or
      rebellion, shall not be questioned.  But neither the United
States
      nor any State shall assume or pay any debt or obligation
incurred
      in aid of insurrection or rebellion against the United
States, or
      any claim for the loss or emancipation of any slave; but all
such
      debts, obligations, and claims shall be held illegal and
void.

          Section 5.  The Congress shall have power to enforce, by
      appropriate legislation, the provisions of this article.

     

       The 14th Amendment to the Constitution was proposed by the
      Congress on June 13, 1866.  Ratification was completed on
July 9,
      1868.


                          UNITED STATES CONSTITUTION
                                15th Amendment

                                  Article XV

          Section 1.  The right of citizens of the United States to
vote
      shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by
any
      State on account of race, color, or previous condition of
      servitude.

          Section 2.  The Congress shall have power to enforce this
      article by appropriate legislation.

     

       The 15th Amendment to the Constitution was proposed by the
      Congress on February 26, 1869.  Ratification was completed on
      February 23, 1870, unless the withdrawal of ratification by
New
      York was effective; in which event ratification was completed
on
      February 17, 1870, when Nebraska ratified.


                          UNITED STATES CONSTITUTION
                                16th Amendment

                                  Article XVI

          The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes on
      incomes, from whatever source derived, without apportionment
among
      the several States and without regard to any census or
enumeration.

     

       The 16th Amendment to the Constitution was proposed by the
      Congress on July 12, 1909.  Ratification was completed on
February
      3, 1913.


                          UNITED STATES CONSTITUTION
                                17th Amendment

                                Article [XVII]

          The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two
      Senators from each State, elected by the people thereof, for
six
      years; and each Senator shall have one vote.  The electors in
each
      State shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of
the
      most numerous branch of the State legislatures.

          When vacancies happen in the representation of any State
in the
      Senate, the executive authority of such State shall issue
writs of
      election to fill such vacancies:  Provided, That the
legislature of
      any State may empower the executive thereof to make temporary
      appointment until the people fill the vacancies by election
as the
      legislature may direct.

          This amendment shall not be so construed as to affect the
      election or term of any Senator chosen before it becomes
valid as
      part of the Constitution.

     

       The 17th Amendment to the Constitution was proposed by the
      Congress on May 13, 1912.  Ratification was completed on
April 8,
      1913.


                          UNITED STATES CONSTITUTION
                                18th Amendment

                                Article [XVIII]

          Section 1.  After one year from the ratification of this
      article the manufacture, sale, or transportation of
intoxicating
      liquors within, the importation thereof into, or the
exportation
      thereof from the United States and all territory subject to
the
      jurisdiction thereof for beverage purposes is hereby
prohibited.

          Section 2.  The Congress and the several States shall
have
      concurrent power to enforce this article by appropriate
      legislation.

          Section 3.  This article shall be inoperative unless it
shall
      have been ratified as an amendment to the Constitution by the
      legislatures of the several States, as provided in the
      Constitution, within seven years of the date of the
submission
      hereof to the States by Congress.
     

       The 18th Amendment to the Constitution was proposed by the
      Congress on December 18, 1917.  Ratification was completed on
      January 16, 1919.

       The 18th Amendment was repealed by the 21st Amendment.


                          UNITED STATES CONSTITUTION
                                19th Amendment

                                 Article [XIX]

          The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall
not be
      denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on
account
      of sex.

          Congress shall have power to enforce this article by
      appropriate legislation.

     

       The 19th Amendment to the Constitution was proposed by the
      Congress on June 4, 1919.  Ratification was completed on
August 20,
      1920.


                          UNITED STATES CONSTITUTION
                                20th Amendment

                                 Article [XX]

          Section 1.  The terms of the President and Vice President
shall
      end at noon on the 20th day of January, and the terms of
Senators
      and Representatives at noon on the 3d day of January, of the
years
      in which such terms would have ended if this article had not
been
      ratified; and the terms of their successors shall then begin.

          Section 2.  The Congress shall assemble at least once in
every
      year, and such meeting shall begin at noon on the 3d day of
      January, unless they shall by law appoint a different day.

          Section 3.  If, at the time fixed for the beginning of
the term
      of the President, the President elect shall have died, the
Vice
      President elect shall become President.  If a President shall
not
      have been chosen before the time fixed for the beginning of
his
      term, or if the President elect shall have failed to qualify,
then
      the Vice President elect shall act as President until a
President
      shall have qualified; and the Congress may by law provide for
the
      case wherein neither a President elect nor a Vice President
elect
      shall have qualified, declaring who shall then act as
President, or
      the manner in which one who is to act shall be selected, and
such
      person shall act accordingly until a President or Vice
President
      shall have qualified.

          Section 4.  The Congress may by law provide for the case
of the
      death of any of the persons from whom the House of
Representatives
      may choose a President whenever the right of choice shall
have
      devolved upon them, and for the case of the death of any of
the
      persons from whom the Senate may choose a Vice President
whenever
      the right of choice shall have devolved upon them.

          Section 5.  Sections 1 and 2 shall take effect on the
15th day
      of October following the ratification of this article.

          Section 6.  This article shall be inoperative unless it
shall
      have been ratified as an amendment to the Constitution by
      three-fourths of the several States within seven years from
the
      date of its submission.
     

       The 20th Amendment to the Constitution was proposed by the
      Congress on March 2, 1932.  Ratification was completed on
January
      23, 1933.


                          UNITED STATES CONSTITUTION
                                21st Amendment

                                 Article [XXI]

          Section 1.  The eighteenth article of amendment to the
      Constitution of the United States is hereby repealed.

          Section 2.  The transportation or importation into any
State,
      Territory, or possession of the United States for delivery or
use
      therein of intoxicating liquors, in violation of the laws
thereof,
      is hereby prohibited.

          Section 3.  This article shall be inoperative unless it
shall
      have been ratified as an amendment to the Constitution by
      conventions in the several States, as provided in the
Constitution,
      within seven years from the date of the submission hereof to
the
      States by the Congress.

     

       The 21st Amendment to the Constitution was proposed by the
      Congress on February 20, 1933.  Ratification was completed on
      December 5, 1933.


                          UNITED STATES CONSTITUTION
                                22nd Amendment

                                Article [XXII]

          Section 1.  No person shall be elected to the office of
the
      President more than twice, and no person who has held the
office of
      President, or acted as President, for more than two years of
a term
      to which some other person was elected President shall be
elected
      to the office of the President more than once.  But this
Article
      shall not apply to any person holding the office of President
when
      this Article was proposed by the Congress, and shall not
prevent
      any person who may be holding the office of President, or
acting as
      President, during the term within which his Article becomes
      operative from holding the office of President or acting as
      President during the remainder of such term.

          Section 2.  This article shall be inoperative unless it
shall
      have been ratified as an amendment to the Constitution by the
      legislatures of three-fourths of the several states within
seven
      years from the date of its submission to the States by the
      Congress.
     

       The 22nd Amendment to the Constitution was proposed by the
      Congress on March 21, 1947.  Ratification was completed on
February
      27, 1951.


                          UNITED STATES CONSTITUTION
                                23rd Amendment

                                Article [XXIII]

          Section 1.  The District constituting the seat of
Government of
      the United States shall appoint in such manner as the
Congress may
      direct:

          A number of electors of President and Vice President
equal to
      the whole number of Senators and Representative in Congress
to
      which the District would be entitled if it were a State, but
in no
      event more than the least populous State; they shall be in
addition
      to those appointed by the States, but they shall be
considered, for
      the purposes of the election of President and Vice President,
to be
      electors appointed by a State; and they shall meet in the
District
      and perform such duties as provided by the twelfth article of
      amendment.

          Section 2.  The Congress shall have power to enforce this
      article by appropriate legislation.

     

       The 23rd Amendment to the Constitution was proposed by the
      Congress on June 17, 1960.  Ratification was completed on
March 29,
      1961.


                          UNITED STATES CONSTITUTION
                                24th Amendment

                                Article [XXIV]

          Section 1.  The right of citizens of the United States to
vote
      in any primary or other election for President or Vice
President,
      for electors for President or Vice President, or for Senator
or
      Representative in Congress, shall not be denied or abridged
by the
      United States or any State by reason of failure to pay any
poll tax
      or other tax.

          Sec. 2.  The Congress shall have power to enforce this
article
      by appropriate legislation.

     

       The 24th Amendment to the Constitution was proposed by the
      Congress on August 27, 1962.  Ratification was completed on
January
      23, 1964.


                          UNITED STATES CONSTITUTION
                                25th Amendment

                                 Article [XXV]

          Section 1.  In case of the removal of the President from
office
      or of his death or resignation, the Vice President shall
become
      President.

          Sec. 2.  Whenever there is a vacancy in the office of the
Vice
      President, the President shall nominate a Vice President who
shall
      take office upon confirmation by a majority vote of both
Houses of
      Congress.

          Sec. 3.  Whenever the President transmits to the
President pro
      tempore of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of
      Representatives his written declaration that he is unable to
      discharge the powers and duties of his office, and until he
      transmits to them a written declaration to the contrary, such
      powers and duties shall be discharged by the Vice President
as
      Acting President.

          Sec. 4.  Whenever the Vice President and a majority of
either
      the principal officers of the executive departments or of
such
      other body as Congress may by law provide, transmit to the
      President pro tempore of the Senate and the Speaker of the
House of
      Representatives their written declaration that the President
is
      unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office, the
Vice
      President shall immediately assume the powers and duties of
the
      office as Acting President.

          Thereafter, when the President transmits to the President
pro
      tempore of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of
      Representatives his written declaration that no inability
exists,
      he shall resume the powers and duties of his office unless
the Vice
      President and a majority of either the principal officers of
the
      executive department or of such other body as Congress may by
law
      provide, transmit within four days to the President pro
tempore of
      the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives
their
      written declaration that the President is unable to discharge
the
      powers and duties of his office.  Thereupon Congress shall
decide
      the issue, assembling within forty-eight hours for that
purpose if
      not in session.  If the Congress, within twenty-one days
after
      receipt of the latter written declaration, or, if Congress is
not
      in session, within twenty-one days after Congress is required
to
      assemble, determines by two-thirds vote of both Houses that
the
      President is unable to discharge the powers and duties of his
      office, the Vice President shall continue to discharge the
same as
      Acting President; otherwise, the President shall resume the
powers
      and duties of his office.

     

       The 25th Amendment to the Constitution was proposed by the
      Congress on July 6, 1965.  Ratification was completed on
February
      10, 1967.


                          UNITED STATES CONSTITUTION
                                26th Amendment

                                Article [XXVI]

          Section 1.  The right of citizens of the United States,
who are
      eighteen years of age or older, to vote shall not be denied
or
      abridged by the United States or by any State on account of
age.

          Sec. 2.  The Congress shall have the power to enforce
this
      article by appropriate legislation.

     

       The 26th Amendment to the Constitution was proposed by the
      Congress on March 23, 1971.  The Administrator of General
Services
      declared it to have been ratified on July 5, 1971.

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